Dear Colleague:

As we mourn the loss of President Ronald Reagan--first to Alzheimer's and
now to death-let us brace ourselves for the argument that his mind could
have been restored by fetal stem cell research.  This is the last thing
that America's most pro-life president would have wanted-to be saved by
the sacrifice of innocent unborn children.
 
Steven W. Mosher
President


PRI Weekly Briefing
10 June 2004
Vol. 6 / No. 21
Remembering Reagan
 
I forget who sent me a copy of Abortion and the Conscience of the Nation
in early 1984, but I do remember that it was the one of the first-perhaps
the first-pro-life book that I had ever read.  I had only returned to the
U.S. from the Far East a few months before, and was embroiled in a
controversy with Stanford University over the forced abortions and forced
sterilizations I had witnessed in China.  I was already pro-life, but I
couldn't explain my position very well.
 
The Great Communicator's book solved that problem.  Writing in the clear
and lucid prose that was his trademark, Ronald Reagan explained to me just
why it was important to defend human life at all its stages.  In so doing,
he enabled me to explain it in turn to many others over the years.  I have
often used his argument that anyone who is unsure of when life begins
"should give life the benefit of the doubt."  However tiny the human being
in question, I have on more than one occasion said, borrowing another line
from Reagan, that "tiny human life has a God-given right to be protected
by the law."
 
The tone of book was vintage Reagan, full of optimism and hope that
ultimately the American people would set this wrong right.  It abounds
with phrases like, "we must not lose hope."  Here was no angry Jeremiah
fighting a hopeless rearguard action against insurmountable evil, but a
gentle prophet of good cheer, determined to cooperate with God's
benevolent plan.  He was serene in his conviction that, if everyone did
their part, that America would one day reaffirm "the transcendent right to
life of all human beings, the right without which no other rights have any
meaning."
 
Years later, I had the privilege of organizing an event for The Claremont
Institute at which President Reagan had agreed to speak.  The occasion was
Captive Nations Week of 1991.  It was an exciting time.  Once "captive
nations," such as Lithuania, the Ukraine, and Hungary, had only recently
won their freedom after languishing for decades behind the Iron Curtain.
The peoples of other nations, such as Vietnam, Cambodia, and China, were
pressing for liberty.  President Reagan asked if I would like to write the
first draft of the speech.  I was only too happy to say yes.
 
Reading all of President Reagan's foreign policy speeches going back to
the fifties was the first task I set before me.  I wanted capture the
thought of the man who, by his rhetoric no less than his actions, helped
bring down the Berlin Wall.  I wanted to let Reagan be Reagan, as we used
to say.   The night of the banquet President Reagan stepped up to the
podium and delivered the speech with such ringing conviction that brought
800 people up out of their seats a dozen times.  It still resonates in my
mind over a decade later.
 
Later, he invited me to his office in Century City, where he handed me a
framed copy of "the speech" over his signature, "Gratefully yours, Ronald
Reagan."  I thanked to him, but told him that I hadn't written the speech,
but he had.  He looked puzzled.  I told him about reading all of his old
speeches.  "So it was your voice I sought to capture, your views I sought
to express."  "Well, I don't know. . . ." he said, shaking his head gently
in that self-effacing way of his.  I realized that he was embarrassed by
my praise.  He was never one to dwell on his accomplishments.
 
Except one.  He showed me around his office, pointing out in particular a
picture which showed the bend of a river, and a short strip of beach.
"This is the river where I worked as a lifeguard growing up," he told me.
"Over the course of five years, I pulled several dozen drowning people out
of the water."
 
As President, he saved lives, too, in particular doing all he could to
spare the lives of unborn children from the abortionist's knife.
 
We need to pray, now, for Nancy Reagan.  She has apparently been told that
fetal stem cell research could have saved her husband from Alzheimer's.  A
few weeks before his death, she called for the legalization of such
research, which "has taken my husband to a distant place where I can no
longer reach him."
 
Now Mrs. Reagan has my complete sympathy.  She witnessed her
tender-hearted yet tough, brave yet humble husband slowly lose his mind.
And, in a magnificent act of selfless love, she spent the past decade
caring for him.  But on this point she is mistaken.
 
President Reagan would not want to become a poster child for fetal stem
cell research.  This is not the memorial that he would want, not the
crusade that he would have wished his wife to embark upon.  For not only
is the promise of fetal stem cell research greatly exaggerated-even the
Washington Post now admits that "Stem Cells [are] an Unlikely Therapy for
Alzheimer's"-it violates the sanctity of life that he felt so strongly
about.
 
President Reagan himself, I am convinced, would have been the last one to
want to have been saved through the sacrifice of innocent unborn children.

© 2004 Population Research Institute. Permission to reprint granted.
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