THE
PRESIDENT: Thank you all. (Applause.) Thank you all. Please be seated.
(Applause.) Thank you for the warm welcome. I'm honored once again to be
with the supporters of the National Endowment for Democracy. Since the
day President Ronald Reagan set out the vision for this Endowment, the
world has seen the swiftest advance of democratic institutions in
history. And Americans are proud to have played our role in this great
story.
Our nation stood guard on tense borders; we spoke for the rights of
dissidents and the hopes of exile; we aided the rise of new democracies
on the ruins of tyranny. And all the cost and sacrifice of that struggle
has been worth it, because, from Latin America to Europe to Asia, we've
gained the peace that freedom brings.
In this new century, freedom is once again assaulted by enemies
determined to roll back generations of democratic progress. Once again,
we're responding to a global campaign of fear with a global campaign of
freedom. And once again, we will see freedom's victory. (Applause.)
Vin, I want to thank you for inviting me back. And thank you for the
short introduction. (Laughter.) I appreciate Carl Gershman. I want to
welcome former Congressman Dick Gephardt, who is a board member of the
National Endowment for Democracy. It's good to see you, Dick. And I
appreciate Chris Cox, who is the Chairman of the U.S. Securities and
Exchange Commission, and a board member for the National Endowment of
Democracy, for being here, as well. I want to thank all the other board
members.
I appreciate the Secretary of State, Condi Rice, who has joined us --
alongside her, Secretary of Defense Don Rumsfeld. Thank you all for
being here. I'm proud, as well, that the newly sworn-in Chairman of the
Joint Chiefs, the first Marine ever to hold that position, is with us
today -- General Peter Pace. (Applause.) I thank the members of the
Diplomatic Corps who are here, as well.
Recently our country observed the fourth anniversary of a great evil,
and looked back on a great turning point in our history. We still
remember a proud city covered in smoke and ashes, a fire across the
Potomac, and passengers who spent their final moments on Earth fighting
the enemy. We still remember the men who rejoiced in every death, and
Americans in uniform rising to duty. And we remember the calling that
came to us on that day, and continues to this hour: We will confront
this mortal danger to all humanity. We will not tire, or rest, until the
war on terror is won. (Applause.)
The images and experience of September the 11th are unique for
Americans. Yet the evil of that morning has reappeared on other days, in
other places -- in Mombasa, and Casablanca, and Riyadh, and Jakarta, and
Istanbul, and Madrid, and Beslan, and Taba, and Netanya, and Baghdad,
and elsewhere. In the past few months, we've seen a new terror offensive
with attacks on London, and Sharm el-Sheikh, and a deadly bombing in
Bali once again. All these separate images of destruction and suffering
that we see on the news can seem like random and isolated acts of
madness; innocent men and women and children have died simply because
they boarded the wrong train, or worked in the wrong building, or
checked into the wrong hotel. Yet while the killers choose their victims
indiscriminately, their attacks serve a clear and focused ideology, a
set of beliefs and goals that are evil, but not insane.
Some call this evil Islamic radicalism; others, militant Jihadism;
still others, Islamo-fascism. Whatever it's called, this ideology is
very different from the religion of Islam. This form of radicalism
exploits Islam to serve a violent, political vision: the establishment,
by terrorism and subversion and insurgency, of a totalitarian empire
that denies all political and religious freedom. These extremists
distort the idea of jihad into a call for terrorist murder against
Christians and Jews and Hindus -- and also against Muslims from other
traditions, who they regard as heretics.
Many militants are part of global, borderless terrorist organizations
like al Qaeda, which spreads propaganda, and provides financing and
technical assistance to local extremists, and conducts dramatic and
brutal operations like September the 11th. Other militants are found in
regional groups, often associated with al Qaeda -- paramilitary
insurgencies and separatist movements in places like Somalia, and the
Philippines, and Pakistan, and Chechnya, and Kashmir, and Algeria. Still
others spring up in local cells, inspired by Islamic radicalism, but not
centrally directed. Islamic radicalism is more like a loose network with
many branches than an army under a single command. Yet these operatives,
fighting on scattered battlefields, share a similar ideology and vision
for our world.
We know the vision of the radicals because they've openly stated it
-- in videos, and audiotapes, and letters, and declarations, and
websites. First, these extremists want to end American and Western
influence in the broader Middle East, because we stand for democracy and
peace, and stand in the way of their ambitions. Al Qaeda's leader, Osama
bin Laden, has called on Muslims to dedicate, quote, their "resources,
sons and money to driving the infidels out of their lands." Their tactic
to meet this goal has been consistent for a quarter-century: They hit
us, and expect us to run. They want us to repeat the sad history of
Beirut in 1983, and Mogadishu in 1993 -- only this time on a larger
scale, with greater consequences.
Second, the militant network wants to use the vacuum created by an
American retreat to gain control of a country, a base from which to
launch attacks and conduct their war against non-radical Muslim
governments. Over the past few decades, radicals have specifically
targeted Egypt, and Saudi Arabia, and Pakistan, and Jordan for potential
takeover. They achieved their goal, for a time, in Afghanistan. Now
they've set their sights on Iraq. Bin Laden has stated: "The whole world
is watching this war and the two adversaries. It's either victory and
glory, or misery and humiliation." The terrorists regard Iraq as the
central front in their war against humanity. And we must recognize Iraq
as the central front in our war on terror.
Third, the militants believe that controlling one country will rally
the Muslim masses, enabling them to overthrow all moderate governments
in the region, and establish a radical Islamic empire that spans from
Spain to Indonesia. With greater economic and military and political
power, the terrorists would be able to advance their stated agenda: to
develop weapons of mass destruction, to destroy Israel, to intimidate
Europe, to assault the American people, and to blackmail our government
into isolation.
Some might be tempted to dismiss these goals as fanatical or extreme.
Well, they are fanatical and extreme -- and they should not be
dismissed. Our enemy is utterly committed. As Zarqawi has vowed, "We
will either achieve victory over the human race or we will pass to the
eternal life." And the civilized world knows very well that other
fanatics in history, from Hitler to Stalin to Pol Pot, consumed whole
nations in war and genocide before leaving the stage of history. Evil
men, obsessed with ambition and unburdened by conscience, must be taken
very seriously -- and we must stop them before their crimes can
multiply.
Defeating the militant network is difficult, because it thrives, like
a parasite, on the suffering and frustration of others. The radicals
exploit local conflicts to build a culture of victimization, in which
someone else is always to blame and violence is always the solution.
They exploit resentful and disillusioned young men and women, recruiting
them through radical mosques as the pawns of terror. And they exploit
modern technology to multiply their destructive power. Instead of
attending faraway training camps, recruits can now access online
training libraries to learn how to build a roadside bomb, or fire a
rocket-propelled grenade -- and this further spreads the threat of
violence, even within peaceful democratic societies.
The influence of Islamic radicalism is also magnified by helpers and
enablers. They have been sheltered by authoritarian regimes, allies of
convenience like Syria and Iran, that share the goal of hurting America
and moderate Muslim governments, and use terrorist propaganda to blame
their own failures on the West and America, and on the Jews. These
radicals depend on front operations, such as corrupted charities, which
direct money to terrorist activity. They're strengthened by those who
aggressively fund the spread of radical, intolerant versions of Islam in
unstable parts of the world. The militants are aided, as well, by
elements of the Arab news media that incite hatred and anti-Semitism,
that feed conspiracy theories and speak of a so-called American "war on
Islam" -- with seldom a word about American action to protect Muslims in
Afghanistan, and Bosnia, Somalia, Kosovo, Kuwait, and Iraq.
Some have also argued that extremism has been strengthened by the
actions of our coalition in Iraq, claiming that our presence in that
country has somehow caused or triggered the rage of radicals. I would
remind them that we were not in Iraq on September the 11th, 2001 -- and
al Qaeda attacked us anyway. The hatred of the radicals existed before
Iraq was an issue, and it will exist after Iraq is no longer an excuse.
The government of Russia did not support Operation Iraqi Freedom, and
yet the militants killed more than 180 Russian schoolchildren in Beslan.
Over the years these extremists have used a litany of excuses for
violence -- the Israeli presence on the West Bank, or the U.S. military
presence in Saudi Arabia, or the defeat of the Taliban, or the Crusades
of a thousand years ago. In fact, we're not facing a set of grievances
that can be soothed and addressed. We're facing a radical ideology with
inalterable objectives: to enslave whole nations and intimidate the
world. No act of ours invited the rage of the killers -- and no
concession, bribe, or act of appeasement would change or limit their
plans for murder.
On the contrary: They target nations whose behavior they believe they
can change through violence. Against such an enemy, there is only one
effective response: We will never back down, never give in, and never
accept anything less than complete victory. (Applause.)
The murderous ideology of the Islamic radicals is the great challenge
of our new century. Yet, in many ways, this fight resembles the struggle
against communism in the last century. Like the ideology of communism,
Islamic radicalism is elitist, led by a self-appointed vanguard that
presumes to speak for the Muslim masses. Bin Laden says his own role is
to tell Muslims, quote, "what is good for them and what is not." And
what this man who grew up in wealth and privilege considers good for
poor Muslims is that they become killers and suicide bombers. He assures
them that his -- that this is the road to paradise -- though he never
offers to go along for the ride.
Like the ideology of communism, our new enemy teaches that innocent
individuals can be sacrificed to serve a political vision. And this
explains their cold-blooded contempt for human life. We've seen it in
the murders of Daniel Pearl, Nicholas Berg, and Margaret Hassan, and
many others. In a courtroom in the Netherlands, the killer of Theo Van
Gogh turned to the victim's grieving mother and said, "I do not feel
your pain -- because I believe you are an infidel." And in spite of this
veneer of religious rhetoric, most of the victims claimed by the
militants are fellow Muslims.
When 25 Iraqi children are killed in a bombing, or Iraqi teachers are
executed at their school, or hospital workers are killed caring for the
wounded, this is murder, pure and simple -- the total rejection of
justice and honor and morality and religion. These militants are not
just the enemies of America, or the enemies of Iraq, they are the
enemies of Islam and the enemies of humanity. (Applause.) We have seen
this kind of shameless cruelty before, in the heartless zealotry that
led to the gulags, and the Cultural Revolution, and the killing fields.
Like the ideology of communism, our new enemy pursues totalitarian
aims. Its leaders pretend to be an aggrieved party, representing the
powerless against imperial enemies. In truth they have endless ambitions
of imperial domination, and they wish to make everyone powerless except
themselves. Under their rule, they have banned books, and desecrated
historical monuments, and brutalized women. They seek to end dissent in
every form, and to control every aspect of life, and to rule the soul,
itself. While promising a future of justice and holiness, the terrorists
are preparing for a future of oppression and misery.
Like the ideology of communism, our new enemy is dismissive of free
peoples, claiming that men and women who live in liberty are weak and
decadent. Zarqawi has said that Americans are, quote, "the most cowardly
of God's creatures." But let's be clear: It is cowardice that seeks to
kill children and the elderly with car bombs, and cuts the throat of a
bound captive, and targets worshipers leaving a mosque. It is courage
that liberated more than 50 million people. It is courage that keeps an
untiring vigil against the enemies of a rising democracy. And it is
courage in the cause of freedom that once again will destroy the enemies
of freedom. (Applause.)
And Islamic radicalism, like the ideology of communism, contains
inherent contradictions that doom it to failure. By fearing freedom --
by distrusting human creativity, and punishing change, and limiting the
contributions of half the population -- this ideology undermines the
very qualities that make human progress possible, and human societies
successful. The only thing modern about the militants' vision is the
weapons they want to use against us. The rest of their grim vision is
defined by a warped image of the past -- a declaration of war on the
idea of progress, itself. And whatever lies ahead in the war against
this ideology, the outcome is not in doubt: Those who despise freedom
and progress have condemned themselves to isolation, decline, and
collapse. Because free peoples believe in the future, free peoples will
own the future. (Applause.)
We didn't ask for this global struggle, but we're answering history's
call with confidence, and a comprehensive strategy. Defeating a broad
and adaptive network requires patience, constant pressure, and strong
partners in Europe, the Middle East, North Africa, Asia and beyond.
Working with these partners, we're disrupting militant conspiracies,
destroying their ability to make war, and working to give millions in a
troubled region of the world a hopeful alternative to resentment and
violence.
First, we're determined to prevent the attacks of terrorist networks
before they occur. We're reorganizing our government to give this nation
a broad and coordinated homeland defense. We're reforming our
intelligence agencies for the incredibly difficult task of tracking
enemy activity, based on information that often comes in small fragments
from widely scattered sources, here and abroad. We're acting, along with
the governments from many countries, to destroy the terrorist networks
and incapacitate their leaders. Together, we've killed or captured
nearly all of those directly responsible for the September the 11th
attacks; as well as some of bin Laden's most senior deputies; al Qaeda
managers and operatives in more than 24 countries; the mastermind of the
USS Cole bombing, who was chief of al Qaeda operations in the Persian
Gulf; the mastermind of the Jakarta and the first Bali bombings; a
senior Zarqawi terrorist planner, who was planning attacks in Turkey;
and many of al Qaeda's senior leaders in Saudi Arabia.
Overall, the United States and our partners have disrupted at least
ten serious al Qaeda terrorist plots since September the 11th, including
three al Qaeda plots to attack inside the United States. We've stopped
at least five more al Qaeda efforts to case targets in the United
States, or infiltrate operatives into our country. Because of this
steady progress, the enemy is wounded -- but the enemy is still capable
of global operations. Our commitment is clear: We will not relent until
the organized international terror networks are exposed and broken, and
their leaders held to account for their acts of murder.
Second, we're determined to deny weapons of mass destruction to
outlaw regimes, and to their terrorist allies who would use them without
hesitation. The United States, working with Great Britain, Pakistan, and
other nations, has exposed and disrupted a major black-market operation
in nuclear technology led by A.Q. Khan. Libya has abandoned its chemical
and nuclear weapons programs, as well as long-range ballistic missiles.
And in the last year, America and our partners in the Proliferation
Security Initiative have stopped more than a dozen shipments of
suspected weapons technology, including equipment for Iran's ballistic
missile program.
This progress has reduced the danger to free nations, but has not
removed it. Evil men who want to use horrendous weapons against us are
working in deadly earnest to gain them. And we're working urgently to
keep weapons of mass destruction out of their hands.
Third, we're determined to deny radical groups the support and
sanctuary of outlaw regimes. State sponsors like Syria and Iran have a
long history of collaboration with terrorists, and they deserve no
patience from the victims of terror. The United States makes no
distinction between those who commit acts of terror and those who
support and harbor them, because they're equally as guilty of murder.
(Applause.) Any government that chooses to be an ally of terror has also
chosen to be an enemy of civilization. And the civilized world must hold
those regimes to account.
Fourth, we're determined to deny the militants control of any nation,
which they would use as a home base and a launching pad for terror. For
this reason, we're fighting beside our Afghan partners against remnants
of the Taliban and their al Qaeda allies. For this reason, we're working
with President Musharraf to oppose and isolate the militants in
Pakistan. And for this reason, we're fighting the regime remnants and
terrorists in Iraq. The terrorist goal is to overthrow a rising
democracy, claim a strategic country as a haven for terror, destabilize
the Middle East, and strike America and other free nations with
ever-increasing violence. Our goal is to defeat the terrorists and their
allies at the heart of their power -- and so we will defeat the enemy in
Iraq.
Our coalition, along with our Iraqi allies, is moving forward with a
comprehensive, specific military plan. Area by area, city by city, we're
conducting offensive operations to clear out enemy forces, and leaving
behind Iraqi units to prevent the enemy from returning. Within these
areas, we're working for tangible improvements in the lives of Iraqi
citizens. And we're aiding the rise of an elected government that unites
the Iraqi people against extremism and violence. This work involves
great risk for Iraqis, and for Americans and coalition forces. Wars are
not won without sacrifice -- and this war will require more sacrifice,
more time, and more resolve.
The terrorists are as brutal an enemy as we've ever faced. They're
unconstrained by any notion of our common humanity, or by the rules of
warfare. No one should underestimate the difficulties ahead, nor should
they overlook the advantages we bring to this fight.
Some observers look at the job ahead and adopt a self-defeating
pessimism. It is not justified. With every random bombing and with every
funeral of a child, it becomes more clear that the extremists are not
patriots, or resistance fighters -- they are murderers at war with the
Iraqi people, themselves.
In contrast, the elected leaders of Iraq are proving to be strong and
steadfast. By any standard or precedent of history, Iraq has made
incredible political progress -- from tyranny, to liberation, to
national elections, to the writing of a constitution, in the space of
two-and-a-half years. With our help, the Iraqi military is gaining new
capabilities and new confidence with every passing month. At the time of
our Fallujah operations 11 months ago, there were only a few Iraqi army
battalions in combat. Today there are more than 80 Iraqi army battalions
fighting the insurgency alongside our forces. Progress isn't easy, but
it is steady. And no fair-minded person should ignore, deny, or dismiss
the achievements of the Iraqi people.
Some observers question the durability of democracy in Iraq. They
underestimate the power and appeal of freedom. We've heard it suggested
that Iraq's democracy must be on shaky ground because Iraqis are arguing
with each other. But that's the essence of democracy: making your case,
debating with those who you disagree -- who disagree, building consensus
by persuasion, and answering to the will of the people. We've heard it
said that the Shia, Sunnis and Kurds of Iraq are too divided to form a
lasting democracy. In fact, democratic federalism is the best hope for
unifying a diverse population, because a federal constitutional system
respects the rights and religious traditions of all citizens, while
giving all minorities, including the Sunnis, a stake and a voice in the
future of their country. It is true that the seeds of freedom have only
recently been planted in Iraq -- but democracy, when it grows, is not a
fragile flower; it is a healthy, sturdy tree. (Applause.)
As Americans, we believe that people everywhere -- everywhere --
prefer freedom to slavery, and that liberty, once chosen, improves the
lives of all. And so we're confident, as our coalition and the Iraqi
people each do their part, Iraqi democracy will succeed.
Some observers also claim that America would be better off by cutting
our losses and leaving Iraq now. This is a dangerous illusion, refuted
with a simple question: Would the United States and other free nations
be more safe, or less safe, with Zarqawi and bin Laden in control of
Iraq, its people, and its resources? Having removed a dictator who hated
free peoples, we will not stand by as a new set of killers, dedicated to
the destruction of our own country, seizes control of Iraq by violence.
There's always a temptation, in the middle of a long struggle, to
seek the quiet life, to escape the duties and problems of the world, and
to hope the enemy grows weary of fanaticism and tired of murder. This
would be a pleasant world, but it's not the world we live in. The enemy
is never tired, never sated, never content with yesterday's brutality.
This enemy considers every retreat of the civilized world as an
invitation to greater violence. In Iraq, there is no peace without
victory. We will keep our nerve and we will win that victory.
(Applause.)
The fifth element of our strategy in the war on terror is to deny the
militants future recruits by replacing hatred and resentment with
democracy and hope across the broader Middle East. This is a difficult
and long-term project, yet there's no alternative to it. Our future and
the future of that region are linked. If the broader Middle East is left
to grow in bitterness, if countries remain in misery, while radicals
stir the resentments of millions, then that part of the world will be a
source of endless conflict and mounting danger, and for our generation
and the next. If the peoples of that region are permitted to choose
their own destiny, and advance by their own energy and by their
participation as free men and women, then the extremists will be
marginalized, and the flow of violent radicalism to the rest of the
world will slow, and eventually end. By standing for the hope and
freedom of others, we make our own freedom more secure.
America is making this stand in practical ways. We're encouraging our
friends in the Middle East, including Egypt and Saudi Arabia, to take
the path of reform, to strengthen their own societies in the fight
against terror by respecting the rights and choices of their own people.
We're standing with dissidents and exiles against oppressive regimes,
because we know that the dissidents of today will be the democratic
leaders of tomorrow. We're making our case through public diplomacy,
stating clearly and confidently our belief in self-determination, and
the rule of law, and religious freedom, and equal rights for women,
beliefs that are right and true in every land, and in every culture.
(Applause.)
As we do our part to confront radicalism, we know that the most vital
work will be done within the Islamic world, itself. And this work has
begun. Many Muslim scholars have already publicly condemned terrorism,
often citing Chapter 5, Verse 32 of the Koran, which states that killing
an innocent human being is like killing all humanity, and saving the
life of one person is like saving all of humanity. After the attacks in
London on July the 7th, an imam in the United Arab Emirates declared,
"Whoever does such a thing is not a Muslim, nor a religious person." The
time has come for all responsible Islamic leaders to join in denouncing
an ideology that exploits Islam for political ends, and defiles a noble
faith.
Many people of the Muslim faith are proving their commitment at great
personal risk. Everywhere we have engaged the fight against extremism,
Muslim allies have stood up and joined the fight, becoming partners in a
vital cause. Afghan troops are in combat against Taliban remnants. Iraqi
soldiers are sacrificing to defeat al Qaeda in their own country. These
brave citizens know the stakes -- the survival of their own liberty, the
future of their own region, the justice and humanity of their own
tradition -- and that United States of America is proud to stand beside
them. (Applause.)
With the rise of a deadly enemy and the unfolding of a global
ideological struggle, our time in history will be remembered for new
challenges and unprecedented dangers. And yet the fight we have joined
is also the current expression of an ancient struggle, between those who
put their faith in dictators, and those who put their faith in the
people. Throughout history, tyrants and would-be tyrants have always
claimed that murder is justified to serve their grand vision -- and they
end up alienating decent people across the globe. Tyrants and would-be
tyrants have always claimed that regimented societies are strong and
pure -- until those societies collapse in corruption and decay. Tyrants
and would-be tyrants have always claimed that free men and women are
weak and decadent -- until the day that free men and women defeat them.
We don't know the course of our own struggle -- the course our own
struggle will take -- or the sacrifices that might lie ahead. We do
know, however, that the defense of freedom is worth our sacrifice. We do
know the love of freedom is the mightiest force of history. And we do
know the cause of freedom will once again prevail.
May God bless you. (Applause.)