THE
PRESIDENT: Thank you, all. Richard, thanks for the invitation. Thanks
for letting me come by and address the Council on Foreign Relations. The
Council is one of America's oldest and most admired foreign policy
organizations, and I appreciate the chance to come and talk about
foreign policy.
Richard is a good man, and he's doing a fine job as the President of
the Council on Foreign Relations. And I appreciate your service to the
country. I want to thank Nancy Roman. I want to thank the board members
of the Council. And I want to thank you all for being here today.
Today we mark the anniversary of a fateful day in American history.
On December the 7th, 1941, our peaceful nation awoke to an attack
plotted in secret, and executed without mercy. The strike on Pearl
Harbor was the start of a long war for America -- a massive struggle
against those who attacked us, and those who shared their destructive
ambitions. Fortunately for all of us, a great generation of Americans
was more than equal to the challenge. Our nation pulled together -- and
despite setbacks and battlefield defeats, we did not waver in freedom's
cause. With courage and determination, we won a war on two fronts: we
liberated millions, we aided the rise of democracy in Europe and Asia we
watched enemies become allies, and we laid the foundation of peace for
generations.
On September the 11th, 2001, our nation awoke to another sudden
attack. In the space of just 102 minutes, more Americans were killed
than we lost at Pearl Harbor. Like generations before us, we accepted
new responsibilities, and we confronted new dangers with firm resolve.
Like generations before us, we're taking the fight to those who attacked
us -- and those who share their murderous vision for future attacks.
Like generations before us, we've faced setbacks on the path to victory
-- yet we will fight this war without wavering. And like the generations
before us, we will prevail.
Like earlier struggles for freedom, this war will take many turns,
and the enemy must be defeated on every battlefront -- from the streets
of Western cities, to the mountains of Afghanistan, to the tribal
regions of Pakistan, to the islands of Southeast Asia and the Horn of
Africa. Yet the terrorists have made it clear that Iraq is the central
front in their war against humanity. So we must recognize Iraq as the
central front in the war on terror.
Last week at the Naval Academy, I gave the first in a series of
speeches outlining our strategy for victory in Iraq. I explained that
our strategy begins with a clear understanding of the enemy we face. The
enemy in Iraq is a combination of rejectionists and Saddamists and
terrorists. The rejectionists are ordinary Iraqis, mostly Sunni Arabs,
who miss the privileged status they had under the regime of Saddam
Hussein -- they reject an Iraq in which they are no longer the dominant
group. We believe that, over time, most of this group will be persuaded
to support a democratic Iraq led by a federal government that is strong
enough to protect minority rights.
The Saddamists are former regime loyalists who harbor dreams of
returning to power -- and they're trying to foment anti-democratic
sentiment among the larger Sunni community. Yet they lack popular
support -- and over time, they can be marginalized and defeated by
security forces of a free Iraq.
The terrorists affiliated with or inspired by al Qaeda are the
smallest but most lethal group. Many are foreigners coming to fight
freedom's progress in Iraq. They are led by a brutal terrorist named
Zarqawi -- al Qaeda's chief of operations in Iraq -- who has pledged his
allegiance to Osama bin Laden. The terrorists' stated objective is to
drive U.S. and coalition forces out of Iraq and to gain control of the
country. They would then use Iraq as a base from which to launch attacks
against America, overthrow moderate governments in the Middle East, and
try to establish a totalitarian Islamic empire that reaches from
Indonesia to Spain.
The terrorists in Iraq share the same ideology as the terrorists who
struck the United States on September the 11th, blew up commuters in
London and Madrid, and murdered tourists in Bali, killed workers in
Riyadh, and slaughtered guests at a wedding in Amman, Jordan. This is an
enemy without conscience -- they cannot be appeased. If we're not
fighting and destroying the enemy in Iraq, they would not be leading the
quiet lives of good citizens. They would be plotting and killing our
citizens -- across the world and within our own borders. By fighting the
terrorists in Iraq, we are confronting a direct threat to the American
people -- and we will accept nothing less than complete victory.
We're pursuing a comprehensive strategy in Iraq. Last week, my
administration released a document called the "National Strategy for
Victory in Iraq." Our goal is victory -- and victory will be achieved
when the terrorists and Saddamists can no longer threaten Iraq's
democracy, when the Iraqi security forces can provide for the safety of
their own citizens, and when Iraq is not a safe haven for terrorists to
plot new attacks against our nation.
Our strategy to achieve that victory has three elements. On the
political side, we're helping the Iraqis build inclusive democratic
institutions that will protect the interests of all Iraqis. We're
working with the Iraqis to help them engage those who can be persuaded
to join the new Iraq, and to marginalize those who never will. In
two-and-a-half years, the Iraqi people have made amazing progress.
They've gone from living under the boot of a brutal tyrant, to
liberation, to free elections, to a democratic constitution. A week from
tomorrow, they will go to the polls to elect a fully constitutional
government that will lead them for the next four years. By helping
Iraqis continue to build their democracy, we will gain an ally in the
war on terror; by helping them build a democracy, we will inspire
reformers from Damascus to Tehran; and by helping them build a
democracy, we'll make the American people more secure.
On the security side, coalition and Iraqi security forces are on the
offense against the enemy. We're clearing out areas controlled by the
terrorists and Saddam loyalists, leaving Iraqi forces to hold territory
taken from the enemy, and following up with targeted reconstruction to
help Iraqis rebuild their lives. And as we fight the terrorists, we're
working to build capable and effective Iraqi security forces, so they
can take the lead in the fight -- and eventually take responsibility for
the safety and security of their citizens without major foreign
assistance.
As Iraqi forces become more capable, they're taking responsibility
for more and more Iraqi territory; we're transferring bases for their
control, to take the fight to the enemy. That means American and
coalition forces can concentrate on training Iraqis and hunting down
high-value targets like Zarqawi.
On the economic side, we're helping the Iraqis rebuild their
infrastructure, and reform their economy, and build the prosperity that
will give all Iraqis a stake in a free and peaceful Iraq. In doing this,
we have involved the United Nations, other international organizations,
our coalition partners, and supportive regional states.
A week ago at the Naval Academy, I spoke about our efforts to train
the Iraqi security forces. I described the changes we've made in the way
these forces are trained and the resulting gains the Iraqi forces have
made in the past year. Today, I'm going to talk about how we're working
with those Iraqi forces and Iraq's leaders to improve security and
restore order, to help Iraqis rebuild their cities, and to help the
national government in Baghdad revitalize Iraq's infrastructure and
economy.
Over the course of this war, we have learned that winning the battle
for Iraqi cities is only the first step. We also have to win the "battle
after the battle" -- by helping Iraqis consolidate their gains and keep
the terrorists from returning. Used to be that after American troops
cleared the terrorists out of a city and moved onto the next mission,
there weren't enough forces, Iraqi forces, to hold the area. We found
that after we left, the terrorists would re-enter the city, intimidate
local leaders and police, and eventually retake control. This undermined
the gains of our military, it thwarted our efforts to help Iraqis
rebuild and led local residents to lose confidence in the process and in
their leaders.
So we adjusted our approach. As improvements in training produced
more capable Iraqi security forces, those forces have been able to
better hold onto the cities we cleared out together. With help from our
military and civilian personnel, the Iraqi government can then work with
local leaders and residents to begin reconstruction -- with Iraqis
leading the building efforts, and our coalition in a supporting role.
This approach is working. And today, I want to describe our actions
in two cities where we have seen encouraging progress -- Najaf and
Mosul.
The city of Najaf is located about 90 miles south of Baghdad, and
it's the home to one of Shia Islam's holiest places, the Imam Ali
Shrine. As a predominantly Shia city, Najaf suffered greatly during
Saddam's rule. Virtually every element of infrastructure and basic
services had been crippled by years of insufficient maintenance. In
1991, thousands of Najaf residents were killed during a brutal crackdown
by the dictator. Our troops liberated Najaf in 2003 -- yet about a year
later, the city fell under the sway of a radical and violent militia.
Fighting in the streets damaged homes and businesses, and the local
economy collapsed as visitors and pilgrims stopped coming to the shrine
out of fear for their lives.
In the summer of 2004, we discussed the growing problem in Najaf with
Iraq's political leaders -- and the coalition and Iraqi government
decided to retake control of the city. And we did. Together, coalition
and Iraqi forces routed out the militia in tough, urban fighting. It was
an intense battle, our guys performed great, and so did the Iraqi
forces. Together with the Iraqi government and the Shia clerical
community, we forced the militia to abandon the shrine and return it to
legitimate Iraqi authority. The militia forces agreed to disarm and
leave Najaf.
As soon as the fighting in Najaf ended, targeted reconstruction moved
forward. The Iraqi government played an active role, and so did our
military commanders and diplomats and workers from the U.S. Agency for
International Development. Together, they worked with Najaf's governor
and other local officials to rebuild the local police force, repair
residents' homes, refurbish schools, restore water and other essential
services, reopen a soccer stadium, complete with new lights and fresh
sod. Fifteen months later, new businesses and markets have opened in
some of Najaf's poorest areas, religious pilgrims are visiting the city
again, construction jobs are putting local residents back to work. One
of the largest projects was the rebuilding of the Najaf Teaching
Hospital, which had been looted and turned into a military fortress by
the militia. Thanks to the efforts by Iraqi doctors and local leaders,
and with the help of American personnel, the hospital is now open and
capable of serving hundreds of patients each day.
Najaf is now in the hands of elected government officials. An elected
provincial council is at work -- drafting plans to bring more tourism
and commerce to the city. Political life has returned, and campaigns for
the upcoming elections have begun, with different parties competing for
the vote. The Iraqi police are now responsible for day-to-day security
in Najaf. An Iraqi battalion has consumed [sic] control of the former
American military base, and our forces are now about 40 minutes outside
the city.
A U.S. Army sergeant explains our role this way: "We go down there if
they call us. And that doesn't happen very often. Usually, we just stay
out of their way." Residents of Najaf are also seeing visible progress
-- and they have no intention of returning to the days of tyranny and
terror. One man from Najaf put it this way: "Three years ago we were in
ruins. One year ago we were fighting in the streets ... [Now] look at
the people shopping and eating and not in fear."
There is still plenty of work left to be done in Najaf. Like most of
Iraq, the reconstruction in Najaf has proceeded with fits and starts
since liberation - it's been uneven. Sustaining electric power remains a
major challenge -- and construction has begun on three new substations
to help boost capacity. Because there is a shortage of clean water, new
water treatment and sewage units are being installed. Security in Najaf
has improved substantially, but threats remain. There are still
kidnappings, and militias and armed gangs are exerting more influence
than they should in a free society. Local leaders and Iraqi security
forces are confronting these problems -- and we're helping them.
Another area that has seen tremendous gains is the ancient city of
Mosul. Mosul is one of Iraq's largest cities, and it's the home of a
diverse population of Sunni Arabs, Kurds, and other ethnic groups. Mosul
is also the city where our troops brought justice to Saddam's sons in
the summer of 2003. In the months after liberation, Mosul was relatively
quiet -- and so we began to redeploy our forces elsewhere in the
country. And when the terrorists and Saddamists infiltrated the city,
the Iraqi police were not up to the task of stopping them. These thugs
intimidated residents, and overwhelmed the police.
By late last year, terrorists and Saddamists had gained control of
much of Mosul, and they launched a series of car bombings and ambushes
-- including an attack on a coalition mess tent that killed 14 American
service members. The terrorists and Saddamists killed innocent Iraqi
civilians, and they left them in the streets with notes pinned to their
bodies threatening others. American and Iraqi forces responded with a
series of coordinated strikes on the most dangerous parts of the city.
Together we killed, captured, and cleared out many of the terrorists and
Saddamists -- and we helped the Iraqi police and legitimate political
leaders regain control of the city. As the Iraqis have grown in strength
and ability, they have taken more responsibility for Mosul's security --
and coalition forces have moved into a supporting role.
As security in Mosul improved, we began working with local leaders to
accelerate reconstruction. Iraqis upgraded key roads and bridges over
the Tigris River, rebuilt schools and hospitals, and started
refurbishing the Mosul Airport. Police stations and firehouses were
rebuilt, and Iraqis have made major improvements in the city's water and
sewage network.
Mosul still faces real challenges. Like Najaf, Mosul's infrastructure
was devastated during Saddam's reign. The city is still not receiving
enough electricity, so Iraqis have a major new project underway to
expand the Mosul power substation. Terrorist intimidation is still a
concern. This past week, people hanging election posters were attacked
and killed. Yet freedom is taking hold in Mosul, and residents are
making their voices heard. Turnout in the -- for the October referendum
was over 50 percent in the province where Mosul is located. That's more
than triple the turnout in the January election. And there's heavy
campaigning going on in Mosul for next week's election.
In places like Mosul and Najaf, residents are seeing tangible
progress in their lives. They're gaining a personal stake in a peaceful
future, and their confidence in Iraq's democracy is growing. The
progress of these cities is being replicated across much of Iraq -- and
more of Iraq's people are seeing the real benefits that a democratic
society can bring.
Throughout Iraq, we're also seeing challenges common to young
democracies. Corruption is a problem at both the national and local
levels of the Iraqi government. We will not tolerate fraud -- so our
embassy in Baghdad is helping to demand transparency and accountability
for the money being invested in reconstruction. We've helped the Iraqi
people establish institutions like a Commission on Public Integrity and
a stronger Supreme Board of Audit to improve oversight of the rebuilding
process. Listen, the Iraqi people expect money to be spent openly and
honestly -- and so do the American people.
Another problem is the infiltration of militia groups into some Iraqi
security forces -- especially the Iraqi police. We're helping Iraqis
deal with this problem by embedding coalition transition teams in Iraqi
units to mentor police and soldiers. We're also working with Iraq
leaders at all levels of government to establish high standards for
police recruiting. In a free Iraq, former militia members must shift
their loyalty to the national government, and learn to operate under the
rule of law.
As we help Iraq's leaders confront these challenges, we're also
helping them rebuild a sound economy that will grow and deliver a better
life for their people. Iraq is a nation with the potential for
tremendous prosperity. The country has a young and educated workforce,
they've got abundant land and water, and they have among the largest oil
resources in the world. Yet for decades, Saddam Hussein used Iraq's
wealth to enrich himself and a privileged few. As he built palaces,
Saddam neglected the country's infrastructure. He ruined the economy,
and he squandered the most valuable resource in Iraq -- the talent and
the energy of the Iraqi people.
So we're helping the new Iraq government reverse decades of economic
destruction, reinvigorate its economy, and make responsible reforms.
We're helping Iraqis to rebuild their infrastructure and establish the
institutions of a market economy. The entrepreneurial spirit is strong
in Iraq. Our policies are aimed at unleashing the creativity of the
Iraqi people.
Like our approach to training Iraqi security forces, our approach to
helping Iraqis rebuild has changed and improved. When we started the
reconstruction progress in the spring of 2003, our focus was on
repairing and building large-scale infrastructure -- such as electrical
plants and large water treatment facilities. We moved forward with some
of those large projects, yet we found our approach was not meeting the
priorities of the Iraqi people. In many places, especially those
targeted by the terrorists and Saddamists, the most urgent needs were
smaller, localized projects, such as sewer lines and city roads.
Delivering visible progress to the Iraqi people required us to focus on
projects that could be completed rapidly.
And so in consultation with the Iraqi government, we started using
more resources to fund smaller, local projects that could deliver rapid,
noticeable improvements, and offer an alternative to the destructive
vision of the terrorists. We increased the amount of money our military
commanders had at their disposal for flexible use. We worked with Iraqi
leaders to provide more contracts directly to Iraqi firms. And by
adapting our reconstruction efforts to meet needs on the ground, we're
helping Iraqi leaders serve their people, and Iraqis are beginning to
see that a free life will be a better life.
Reconstruction has not always gone as well as we had hoped, primarily
because of the security challenges on the ground. Rebuilding a nation
devastated by a dictator is a large undertaking. It's even harder when
terrorists are trying to blow up that which the Iraqis are trying to
build. The terrorists and Saddamists have been able to slow progress,
but they haven't been able to stop it.
In the space of two-and-a-half years, we have helped Iraqis conduct
nearly 3,000 renovation projects at schools, train more than 30,000
teachers, distribute more than 8 million textbooks, rebuild irrigation
infrastructure to help more than 400,000 rural Iraqis, and improve
drinking water for more than 3 million people.
Our coalition has helped Iraqis introduce a new currency, reopen
their stock exchange, extend $21 million in micro-credit and small
business loans to Iraqi entrepreneurs. As a result of these efforts and
Iraq's newfound freedom, more than 30,000 new Iraqi businesses have
registered since liberation. And according to a recent survey, more than
three-quarters of Iraqi business owners anticipate growth in the
national economy over the next two years.
This economic development and growth will be really important to
addressing the high unemployment rate across parts of that country.
Iraq's market-based reforms are gradually returning the proud country to
the global economy. Iraqis have negotiated significant debt relief. And
for the first time in 25 years, Iraq has completed an economic report
card with the International Monetary Fund -- a signal to the world
financial community that Iraqis are serious about reform and determined
to take their rightful place in the world economy.
With all these improvements, we're helping the Iraqi government
deliver meaningful change for the Iraqi people. This is another
important blow against the Saddamists and the terrorists. Iraqis who
were disillusioned with their situation are beginning to see a hopeful
future for their country. Many who once questioned democracy are coming
off the fence; they're choosing the side of freedom. This is quiet,
steady progress. It doesn't always make the headlines in the evening
news. But it's real, and it's important, and it is unmistakable to those
who see it close up.
One of those who has seen that progress is Democratic Senator Joe
Lieberman. Senator Lieberman has traveled to Iraq four times in the past
17 months, and the article he wrote when he returned from his most
recent trip provides a clear description of the situation on the ground.
Here's what Senator Lieberman wrote -- Senator Lieberman wrote about the
Iraq he saw: "Progress is visible and practical. There are many more
cars on the streets, satellite television dishes on the roofs, and
literally millions more cell phones in Iraq hands than before." He
describes an Iraqi poll showing that, "two-thirds [of Iraqis] say they
are better off than they were under Saddam Hussein."
Senator Lieberman goes on, "Does America have a good plan for doing
this, a strategy for victory in Iraq? Yes, we do. And it's important to
make clear to the American people that the plan has not remained
stubbornly still, but has changed over the years." The Senator says that
mistakes have been made. But he goes on to say that he is worried about
a bigger mistake. He writes, "What a colossal mistake it would be for
America's bipartisan political leadership to choose this moment in
history to lose its will and, in the famous phrase, to seize defeat from
the jaws of the coming victory." Senator Lieberman is right.
There is an important debate going on in our nation's capital about
Iraq, and the fact that we can debate these issues openly in the midst
of a dangerous war brings credit to our democracy. In this debate, some
are calling for us to withdraw from Iraq on a fixed timetable, without
regard to conditions on the ground. Recently, one Democratic leader came
out in support of an artificial deadline for withdrawal, and said an
immediate withdrawal of our troops would, "make the American people
safer, our military stronger, and bring some stability to the region."
That's the wrong policy for our government. Withdrawing on an artificial
deadline would endanger the American people, would harm our military,
and make the Middle East less stable. It would give the terrorists
exactly what they want.
In a letter to the terrorist leader Zarqawi, the al Qaeda leader
Zawahiri has outlined his goals in Iraq with these steps: "Expel the
Americans from Iraq I establish an Islamic authority over as much
territory as you can to spread its power in Iraq extend the jihad wave."
The terrorists hope America will withdraw before the job is done, so
they can take over the country and turn it into a base for future
attacks. Zawahiri called the Vietnam War as a reason to believe the
terrorists can prevail. He wrote, "The aftermath of the collapse of
American power in Vietnam -- and how they ran and left their agents --
is noteworthy." In the past, al Qaeda has said that American pullouts
from Lebanon and Somalia showed them that America was weak and could be
made to run. And now the terrorists think they can make America run in
Iraq, and that is not going to happen so long as I'm the
Commander-in-Chief. (Applause.)
We are not going to yield the future of Iraq to men like Zarqawi, and
we're not going to yield the future of the Middle East to men like bin
Laden. We will complete our mission in Iraq, and leave behind a
democracy that can govern itself, sustain itself, and defend itself. Our
military will continue to hunt down the terrorists in Iraq -- and to
prepare the Iraqi security forces to take over more of the fight and
control more of the territory on their own. We will continue to help the
Iraqis rebuild their cities and their lives so they can enjoy the
prosperity that freedom brings. We will continue to stand with the Iraqi
people as they move forward on the path of democracy. And when victory
is achieved, our troops will then come home with the honor they've
earned.
Next week, I'll discuss the political element of our strategy in
greater detail -- how we're helping Iraqis build a democracy that will
be a strong ally in this global war against the terrorists. One of the
great lessons of history is that free societies are peaceful societies,
and free nations give their citizens a path to resolve their differences
peacefully through the democratic process.
Democracy can be difficult and complicated and even chaotic. It can
take years of hard work to build a healthy civil society. Iraqis have to
overcome many challenges, including longstanding ethnic and religious
tensions, and the legacy of brutal repression. But they're learning that
democracy is the only way to build a just and peaceful society, because
it's the only system that gives every citizen a voice in determining its
future.
Before our mission in Iraq is accomplished, there will be tough days
ahead. Victory in Iraq will require continued sacrifice by our men and
women in uniform, and the continued determination of our citizens. There
will be good days and there will be bad days in this war. I reject the
pessimists in Washington who say we can't win this war. Yet every day,
we can be confident of the outcome because we know that freedom has got
the power to overcome terror and tyranny. We can be confident about the
outcome because we know the character and strength of the men and women
in the fight. Their courage makes all Americans proud.
This generation of Americans in uniform is every bit as brave and
determined as the generation that went to war after the attack on our
nation 64 years ago today. Like those who came before, they are
defeating a dangerous enemy, bringing freedom to millions, and
transforming a troubled part of the world. And like those who came
before, they will always have the gratitude of the American people.
Our nation will uphold the cause for which our men and women in
uniform are risking their lives. We will continue to hunt down the
terrorists wherever they hide. We will help the Iraqi people so they can
build a free society in the heart of a troubled region. And by laying
the foundations of freedom in Iraq and across the broader Middle East,
we will lay the foundation of peace for generations to come.
Thanks for giving me a chance to come and speak to you today. May God
continue to bless our country. (Applause.)