THE PRESIDENT: Thank you. Thanks for the warm welcome.
Welcome to the White House. Mr. Vice President, Secretary Rice, Attorney
General Gonzales, Ambassador Negroponte, General Hayden, members of the
United States Congress, families who lost loved ones in the terrorist
attacks on our nation, and my fellow citizens: Thanks for coming.
On the morning of September the 11th, 2001, our nation awoke to a
nightmare attack. Nineteen men, armed with box cutters, took control of
airplanes and turned them into missiles. They used them to kill nearly
3,000 innocent people. We watched the Twin Towers collapse before our
eyes -- and it became instantly clear that we'd entered a new world, and
a dangerous new war.
The attacks of September the 11th horrified our nation. And amid the
grief came new fears and urgent questions: Who had attacked us? What did
they want? And what else were they planning? Americans saw the
destruction the terrorists had caused in New York, and Washington, and
Pennsylvania, and they wondered if there were other terrorist cells in
our midst poised to strike; they wondered if there was a second wave of
attacks still to come.
With the Twin Towers and the Pentagon still smoldering, our country
on edge, and a stream of intelligence coming in about potential new
attacks, my administration faced immediate challenges: We had to respond
to the attack on our country. We had to wage an unprecedented war
against an enemy unlike any we had fought before. We had to find the
terrorists hiding in America and across the world, before they were able
to strike our country again. So in the early days and weeks after 9/11,
I directed our government's senior national security officials to do
everything in their power, within our laws, to prevent another attack.
Nearly five years have passed since these -- those initial days of
shock and sadness -- and we are thankful that the terrorists have not
succeeded in launching another attack on our soil. This is not for the
lack of desire or determination on the part of the enemy. As the
recently foiled plot in London shows, the terrorists are still active,
and they're still trying to strike America, and they're still trying to
kill our people. One reason the terrorists have not succeeded is because
of the hard work of thousands of dedicated men and women in our
government, who have toiled day and night, along with our allies, to
stop the enemy from carrying out their plans. And we are grateful for
these hardworking citizens of ours.
Another reason the terrorists have not succeeded is because our
government has changed its policies -- and given our military,
intelligence, and law enforcement personnel the tools they need to fight
this enemy and protect our people and preserve our freedoms.
The terrorists who declared war on America represent no nation, they
defend no territory, and they wear no uniform. They do not mass armies
on borders, or flotillas of warships on the high seas. They operate in
the shadows of society; they send small teams of operatives to
infiltrate free nations; they live quietly among their victims; they
conspire in secret, and then they strike without warning. In this new
war, the most important source of information on where the terrorists
are hiding and what they are planning is the terrorists, themselves.
Captured terrorists have unique knowledge about how terrorist networks
operate. They have knowledge of where their operatives are deployed, and
knowledge about what plots are underway. This intelligence -- this is
intelligence that cannot be found any other place. And our security
depends on getting this kind of information. To win the war on terror,
we must be able to detain, question, and, when appropriate, prosecute
terrorists captured here in America, and on the battlefields around the
world.
After the 9/11 attacks, our coalition launched operations across the
world to remove terrorist safe havens, and capture or kill terrorist
operatives and leaders. Working with our allies, we've captured and
detained thousands of terrorists and enemy fighters in Afghanistan, in
Iraq, and other fronts of this war on terror. These enemy -- these are
enemy combatants, who were waging war on our nation. We have a right
under the laws of war, and we have an obligation to the American people,
to detain these enemies and stop them from rejoining the battle.
Most of the enemy combatants we capture are held in Afghanistan or in
Iraq, where they're questioned by our military personnel. Many are
released after questioning, or turned over to local authorities -- if we
determine that they do not pose a continuing threat and no longer have
significant intelligence value. Others remain in American custody near
the battlefield, to ensure that they don't return to the fight.
In some cases, we determine that individuals we have captured pose a
significant threat, or may have intelligence that we and our allies need
to have to prevent new attacks. Many are al Qaeda operatives or Taliban
fighters trying to conceal their identities, and they withhold
information that could save American lives. In these cases, it has been
necessary to move these individuals to an environment where they can be
held secretly [sic], questioned by experts, and -- when appropriate --
prosecuted for terrorist acts.
Some of these individuals are taken to the United States Naval Base
at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba. It's important for Americans and others across
the world to understand the kind of people held at Guantanamo. These
aren't common criminals, or bystanders accidentally swept up on the
battlefield -- we have in place a rigorous process to ensure those held
at Guantanamo Bay belong at Guantanamo. Those held at Guantanamo include
suspected bomb makers, terrorist trainers, recruiters and facilitators,
and potential suicide bombers. They are in our custody so they cannot
murder our people. One detainee held at Guantanamo told a questioner
questioning him -- he said this: "I'll never forget your face. I will
kill you, your brothers, your mother, and sisters."
In addition to the terrorists held at Guantanamo, a small number of
suspected terrorist leaders and operatives captured during the war have
been held and questioned outside the United States, in a separate
program operated by the Central Intelligence Agency. This group includes
individuals believed to be the key architects of the September the 11th
attacks, and attacks on the USS Cole, an operative involved in the
bombings of our embassies in Kenya and Tanzania, and individuals
involved in other attacks that have taken the lives of innocent
civilians across the world. These are dangerous men with unparalleled
knowledge about terrorist networks and their plans for new attacks. The
security of our nation and the lives of our citizens depend on our
ability to learn what these terrorists know.
Many specifics of this program, including where these detainees have
been held and the details of their confinement, cannot be divulged.
Doing so would provide our enemies with information they could use to
take retribution against our allies and harm our country. I can say that
questioning the detainees in this program has given us information that
has saved innocent lives by helping us stop new attacks -- here in the
United States and across the world. Today, I'm going to share with you
some of the examples provided by our intelligence community of how this
program has saved lives; why it remains vital to the security of the
United States, and our friends and allies; and why it deserves the
support of the United States Congress and the American people.
Within months of September the 11th, 2001, we captured a man known as
Abu Zubaydah. We believe that Zubaydah was a senior terrorist leader and
a trusted associate of Osama bin Laden. Our intelligence community
believes he had run a terrorist camp in Afghanistan where some of the
9/11 hijackers trained, and that he helped smuggle al Qaeda leaders out
of Afghanistan after coalition forces arrived to liberate that country.
Zubaydah was severely wounded during the firefight that brought him into
custody -- and he survived only because of the medical care arranged by
the CIA.
After he recovered, Zubaydah was defiant and evasive. He declared his
hatred of America. During questioning, he at first disclosed what he
thought was nominal information -- and then stopped all cooperation.
Well, in fact, the "nominal" information he gave us turned out to be
quite important. For example, Zubaydah disclosed Khalid Sheikh Mohammed
-- or KSM -- was the mastermind behind the 9/11 attacks, and used the
alias "Muktar." This was a vital piece of the puzzle that helped our
intelligence community pursue KSM. Abu Zubaydah also provided
information that helped stop a terrorist attack being planned for inside
the United States -- an attack about which we had no previous
information. Zubaydah told us that al Qaeda operatives were planning to
launch an attack in the U.S., and provided physical descriptions of the
operatives and information on their general location. Based on the
information he provided, the operatives were detained -- one while
traveling to the United States.
We knew that Zubaydah had more information that could save innocent
lives, but he stopped talking. As his questioning proceeded, it became
clear that he had received training on how to resist interrogation. And
so the CIA used an alternative set of procedures. These procedures were
designed to be safe, to comply with our laws, our Constitution, and our
treaty obligations. The Department of Justice reviewed the authorized
methods extensively and determined them to be lawful. I cannot describe
the specific methods used -- I think you understand why -- if I did, it
would help the terrorists learn how to resist questioning, and to keep
information from us that we need to prevent new attacks on our country.
But I can say the procedures were tough, and they were safe, and lawful,
and necessary.
Zubaydah was questioned using these procedures, and soon he began to
provide information on key al Qaeda operatives, including information
that helped us find and capture more of those responsible for the
attacks on September the 11th. For example, Zubaydah identified one of
KSM's accomplices in the 9/11 attacks -- a terrorist named Ramzi bin al
Shibh. The information Zubaydah provided helped lead to the capture of
bin al Shibh. And together these two terrorists provided information
that helped in the planning and execution of the operation that captured
Khalid Sheikh Mohammed.
Once in our custody, KSM was questioned by the CIA using these
procedures, and he soon provided information that helped us stop another
planned attack on the United States. During questioning, KSM told us
about another al Qaeda operative he knew was in CIA custody -- a
terrorist named Majid Khan. KSM revealed that Khan had been told to
deliver $50,000 to individuals working for a suspected terrorist leader
named Hambali, the leader of al Qaeda's Southeast Asian affiliate known
as "J-I". CIA officers confronted Khan with this information. Khan
confirmed that the money had been delivered to an operative named
Zubair, and provided both a physical description and contact number for
this operative.
Based on that information, Zubair was captured in June of 2003, and
he soon provided information that helped lead to the capture of Hambali.
After Hambali's arrest, KSM was questioned again. He identified
Hambali's brother as the leader of a "J-I" cell, and Hambali's conduit
for communications with al Qaeda. Hambali's brother was soon captured in
Pakistan, and, in turn, led us to a cell of 17 Southeast Asian "J-I"
operatives. When confronted with the news that his terror cell had been
broken up, Hambali admitted that the operatives were being groomed at
KSM's request for attacks inside the United States -- probably [sic]
using airplanes.
During questioning, KSM also provided many details of other plots to
kill innocent Americans. For example, he described the design of planned
attacks on buildings inside the United States, and how operatives were
directed to carry them out. He told us the operatives had been
instructed to ensure that the explosives went off at a point that was
high enough to prevent the people trapped above from escaping out the
windows.
KSM also provided vital information on al Qaeda's efforts to obtain
biological weapons. During questioning, KSM admitted that he had met
three individuals involved in al Qaeda's efforts to produce anthrax, a
deadly biological agent -- and he identified one of the individuals as a
terrorist named Yazid. KSM apparently believed we already had this
information, because Yazid had been captured and taken into foreign
custody before KSM's arrest. In fact, we did not know about Yazid's role
in al Qaeda's anthrax program. Information from Yazid then helped lead
to the capture of his two principal assistants in the anthrax program.
Without the information provided by KSM and Yazid, we might not have
uncovered this al Qaeda biological weapons program, or stopped this al
Qaeda cell from developing anthrax for attacks against the United
States.
These are some of the plots that have been stopped because of the
information of this vital program. Terrorists held in CIA custody have
also provided information that helped stop a planned strike on U.S.
Marines at Camp Lemonier in Djibouti -- they were going to use an
explosive laden water tanker. They helped stop a planned attack on the
U.S. consulate in Karachi using car bombs and motorcycle bombs, and they
helped stop a plot to hijack passenger planes and fly them into Heathrow
or the Canary Wharf in London.
We're getting vital information necessary to do our jobs, and that's
to protect the American people and our allies.
Information from the terrorists in this program has helped us to
identify individuals that al Qaeda deemed suitable for Western
operations, many of whom we had never heard about before. They include
terrorists who were set to case targets inside the United States,
including financial buildings in major cities on the East Coast.
Information from terrorists in CIA custody has played a role in the
capture or questioning of nearly every senior al Qaeda member or
associate detained by the U.S. and its allies since this program began.
By providing everything from initial leads to photo identifications, to
precise locations of where terrorists were hiding, this program has
helped us to take potential mass murderers off the streets before they
were able to kill.
This program has also played a critical role in helping us understand
the enemy we face in this war. Terrorists in this program have painted a
picture of al Qaeda's structure and financing, and communications and
logistics. They identified al Qaeda's travel routes and safe havens, and
explained how al Qaeda's senior leadership communicates with its
operatives in places like Iraq. They provided information that allows us
-- that has allowed us to make sense of documents and computer records
that we have seized in terrorist raids. They've identified voices in
recordings of intercepted calls, and helped us understand the meaning of
potentially critical terrorist communications.
The information we get from these detainees is corroborated by
intelligence, and we've received -- that we've received from other
sources -- and together this intelligence has helped us connect the dots
and stop attacks before they occur. Information from the terrorists
questioned in this program helped unravel plots and terrorist cells in
Europe and in other places. It's helped our allies protect their people
from deadly enemies. This program has been, and remains, one of the most
vital tools in our war against the terrorists. It is invaluable to
America and to our allies. Were it not for this program, our
intelligence community believes that al Qaeda and its allies would have
succeeded in launching another attack against the American homeland. By
giving us information about terrorist plans we could not get anywhere
else, this program has saved innocent lives.
This program has been subject to multiple legal reviews by the
Department of Justice and CIA lawyers; they've determined it complied
with our laws. This program has received strict oversight by the CIA's
Inspector General. A small number of key leaders from both political
parties on Capitol Hill were briefed about this program. All those
involved in the questioning of the terrorists are carefully chosen and
they're screened from a pool of experienced CIA officers. Those selected
to conduct the most sensitive questioning had to complete more than 250
additional hours of specialized training before they are allowed to have
contact with a captured terrorist.
I want to be absolutely clear with our people, and the world: The
United States does not torture. It's against our laws, and it's against
our values. I have not authorized it -- and I will not authorize it.
Last year, my administration worked with Senator John McCain, and I
signed into law the Detainee Treatment Act, which established the legal
standard for treatment of detainees wherever they are held. I support
this act. And as we implement this law, our government will continue to
use every lawful method to obtain intelligence that can protect innocent
people, and stop another attack like the one we experienced on September
the 11th, 2001.
The CIA program has detained only a limited number of terrorists at
any given time -- and once we've determined that the terrorists held by
the CIA have little or no additional intelligence value, many of them
have been returned to their home countries for prosecution or detention
by their governments. Others have been accused of terrible crimes
against the American people, and we have a duty to bring those
responsible for these crimes to justice. So we intend to prosecute these
men, as appropriate, for their crimes.
Soon after the war on terror began, I authorized a system of military
commissions to try foreign terrorists accused of war crimes. Military
commissions have been used by Presidents from George Washington to
Franklin Roosevelt to prosecute war criminals, because the rules for
trying enemy combatants in a time of conflict must be different from
those for trying common criminals or members of our own military. One of
the first suspected terrorists to be put on trial by military commission
was one of Osama bin Laden's bodyguards -- a man named Hamdan. His
lawyers challenged the legality of the military commission system. It
took more than two years for this case to make its way through the
courts. The Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit upheld
the military commissions we had designed, but this past June, the
Supreme Court overturned that decision. The Supreme Court determined
that military commissions are an appropriate venue for trying
terrorists, but ruled that military commissions needed to be explicitly
authorized by the United States Congress.
So today, I'm sending Congress legislation to specifically authorize
the creation of military commissions to try terrorists for war crimes.
My administration has been working with members of both parties in the
House and Senate on this legislation. We put forward a bill that ensures
these commissions are established in a way that protects our national
security, and ensures a full and fair trial for those accused. The
procedures in the bill I am sending to Congress today reflect the
reality that we are a nation at war, and that it's essential for us to
use all reliable evidence to bring these people to justice.
We're now approaching the five-year anniversary of the 9/11 attacks
-- and the families of those murdered that day have waited patiently for
justice. Some of the families are with us today -- they should have to
wait no longer. So I'm announcing today that Khalid Sheikh Mohammed, Abu
Zubaydah, Ramzi bin al-Shibh, and 11 other terrorists in CIA custody
have been transferred to the United States Naval Base at Guantanamo Bay.
(Applause.) They are being held in the custody of the Department of
Defense. As soon as Congress acts to authorize the military commissions
I have proposed, the men our intelligence officials believe orchestrated
the deaths of nearly 3,000 Americans on September the 11th, 2001, can
face justice. (Applause.)
We'll also seek to prosecute those believed to be responsible for the
attack on the USS Cole, and an operative believed to be involved in the
bombings of the American embassies in Kenya and Tanzania. With these
prosecutions, we will send a clear message to those who kill Americans:
No longer -- how long it takes, we will find you and we will bring you
to justice. (Applause.)
These men will be held in a high-security facility at Guantanamo. The
International Committee of the Red Cross is being advised of their
detention, and will have the opportunity to meet with them. Those
charged with crimes will be given access to attorneys who will help them
prepare their defense -- and they will be presumed innocent. While at
Guantanamo, they will have access to the same food, clothing, medical
care, and opportunities for worship as other detainees. They will be
questioned subject to the new U.S. Army Field Manual, which the
Department of Defense is issuing today. And they will continue to be
treated with the humanity that they denied others.
As we move forward with the prosecutions, we will continue to urge
nations across the world to take back their nationals at Guantanamo who
will not be prosecuted by our military commissions. America has no
interest in being the world's jailer. But one of the reasons we have not
been able to close Guantanamo is that many countries have refused to
take back their nationals held at the facility. Other countries have not
provided adequate assurances that their nationals will not be mistreated
-- or they will not return to the battlefield, as more than a dozen
people released from Guantanamo already have. We will continue working
to transfer individuals held at Guantanamo, and ask other countries to
work with us in this process. And we will move toward the day when we
can eventually close the detention facility at Guantanamo Bay.
I know Americans have heard conflicting information about Guantanamo.
Let me give you some facts. Of the thousands of terrorists captured
across the world, only about 770 have ever been sent to Guantanamo. Of
these, about 315 have been returned to other countries so far -- and
about 455 remain in our custody. They are provided the same quality of
medical care as the American service members who guard them. The
International Committee of the Red Cross has the opportunity to meet
privately with all who are held there. The facility has been visited by
government officials from more than 30 countries, and delegations from
international organizations, as well. After the Organization for
Security and Cooperation in Europe came to visit, one of its delegation
members called Guantanamo "a model prison" where people are treated
better than in prisons in his own country. Our troops can take great
pride in the work they do at Guantanamo Bay -- and so can the American
people.
As we prosecute suspected terrorist leaders and operatives who have
now been transferred to Guantanamo, we'll continue searching for those
who have stepped forward to take their places. This nation is going to
stay on the offense to protect the American people. We will continue to
bring the world's most dangerous terrorists to justice -- and we will
continue working to collect the vital intelligence we need to protect
our country. The current transfers mean that there are now no terrorists
in the CIA program. But as more high-ranking terrorists are captured,
the need to obtain intelligence from them will remain critical -- and
having a CIA program for questioning terrorists will continue to be
crucial to getting life-saving information.
Some may ask: Why are you acknowledging this program now? There are
two reasons why I'm making these limited disclosures today. First, we
have largely completed our questioning of the men -- and to start the
process for bringing them to trial, we must bring them into the open.
Second, the Supreme Court's recent decision has impaired our ability to
prosecute terrorists through military commissions, and has put in
question the future of the CIA program. In its ruling on military
commissions, the Court determined that a provision of the Geneva
Conventions known as "Common Article Three" applies to our war with al
Qaeda. This article includes provisions that prohibit "outrages upon
personal dignity" and "humiliating and degrading treatment." The problem
is that these and other provisions of Common Article Three are vague and
undefined, and each could be interpreted in different ways by American
or foreign judges. And some believe our military and intelligence
personnel involved in capturing and questioning terrorists could now be
at risk of prosecution under the War Crimes Act -- simply for doing
their jobs in a thorough and professional way.
This is unacceptable. Our military and intelligence personnel go face
to face with the world's most dangerous men every day. They have risked
their lives to capture some of the most brutal terrorists on Earth. And
they have worked day and night to find out what the terrorists know so
we can stop new attacks. America owes our brave men and women some
things in return. We owe them their thanks for saving lives and keeping
America safe. And we owe them clear rules, so they can continue to do
their jobs and protect our people.
So today, I'm asking Congress to pass legislation that will clarify
the rules for our personnel fighting the war on terror. First, I'm
asking Congress to list the specific, recognizable offenses that would
be considered crimes under the War Crimes Act -- so our personnel can
know clearly what is prohibited in the handling of terrorist enemies.
Second, I'm asking that Congress make explicit that by following the
standards of the Detainee Treatment Act our personnel are fulfilling
America's obligations under Common Article Three of the Geneva
Conventions. Third, I'm asking that Congress make it clear that captured
terrorists cannot use the Geneva Conventions as a basis to sue our
personnel in courts -- in U.S. courts. The men and women who protect us
should not have to fear lawsuits filed by terrorists because they're
doing their jobs.
The need for this legislation is urgent. We need to ensure that those
questioning terrorists can continue to do everything within the limits
of the law to get information that can save American lives. My
administration will continue to work with the Congress to get this
legislation enacted -- but time is of the essence. Congress is in
session just for a few more weeks, and passing this legislation ought to
be the top priority. (Applause.)
As we work with Congress to pass a good bill, we will also consult
with congressional leaders on how to ensure that the CIA program goes
forward in a way that follows the law, that meets the national security
needs of our country, and protects the brave men and women we ask to
obtain information that will save innocent lives. For the sake of our
security, Congress needs to act, and update our laws to meet the threats
of this new era. And I know they will.
We're engaged in a global struggle -- and the entire civilized world
has a stake in its outcome. America is a nation of law. And as I work
with Congress to strengthen and clarify our laws here at home, I will
continue to work with members of the international community who have
been our partners in this struggle. I've spoken with leaders of foreign
governments, and worked with them to address their concerns about
Guantanamo and our detention policies. I'll continue to work with the
international community to construct a common foundation to defend our
nations and protect our freedoms.
Free nations have faced new enemies and adjusted to new threats
before -- and we have prevailed. Like the struggles of the last century,
today's war on terror is, above all, a struggle for freedom and liberty.
The adversaries are different, but the stakes in this war are the same:
We're fighting for our way of life, and our ability to live in freedom.
We're fighting for the cause of humanity, against those who seek to
impose the darkness of tyranny and terror upon the entire world. And
we're fighting for a peaceful future for our children and our
grandchildren.
May God bless you all. (Applause.) |