THE
PRESIDENT: Thank you. Please be seated. Bill, thanks for the kind
introduction. I'm pleased to be at this school, which bears the name of
one of America's greatest statesmen. Paul Nitze served as a trusted
advisor to six Presidents from Franklin Roosevelt to Ronald Reagan. He
was one of a small group of men who shaped the world that emerged from
the Allied victory in World War II. He encouraged our nation to continue
the -- its noble and essential role as freedom's defender. He was the
principal author of NSC-68 -- the strategic blueprint for America's
victory in the Cold War. At a time when some wanted to wish away the
Soviet threat, Paul Nitze insisted that the Cold War was, in his words,
"in fact, a real war in which the survival of the free world is at
stake." He helped rally America to confront this mortal danger -- and
his strategic vision helped secure the triumph of freedom in that great
struggle of the 20th century.
At the start of this young century, America is once again
engaged in a real war that is testing our nation's resolve. While there
are important distinctions, today's war on terror is like the Cold War.
It is an ideological struggle with an enemy that despises freedom and
pursues totalitarian aims. Like the Cold War, our adversary is
dismissive of free peoples, claiming that men and women who live in
liberty are weak and decadent -- and they lack the resolve to defend our
way of life. Like the Cold War, America is once again answering
history's call with confidence -- and like the Cold War, freedom will
prevail.
I thank Dr. Bill Brody; I thank Jessica Einhorn. Thank you all for
having me here. I appreciate all those who teach here. I appreciate the
students letting me come to speak. Glad to provide a convenient excuse
to skip class. (Laughter.) I want to thank Bill Nitze, Adjunct
Professor, son of a great man. I know how you feel. (Laughter.) I
appreciate Mike Chertoff being here. I'm proud to see a lot of folks who
wear the nation's uniform for joining us. Welcome.
I thought I'd give a speech, but a short speech, much to your relief,
and then I'll be glad to answer some questions.
Yesterday, our nation marked the third anniversary of a great moment
in the history of freedom -- it was the liberation of Iraq. Three years
ago, coalition forces entered the gates of Baghdad, fought their way
into the center of the city, and helped Iraqis pull down the statue of
Saddam Hussein. What they found in Baghdad horrified our troops. One
Marine describes how Iraqis led his unit to a children's prison where
more than 100 youngsters were being held -- some of the children had
reportedly been jailed because they refused to join the Baathist Party
Youth Organization. He says: "It was really something, the children just
streamed out of the gates and their parents just started to embrace us."
Under Saddam's brutal regime, the Iraqi people lived lives of
fear and desperation. Innocent civilians were executed in public
squares, they were massacred and piled into mass graves. Saddam's regime
denied people food and medicine while building elaborate palaces from
which to rule with an iron hand. Saddam sponsored terrorism; he pursued
and used weapons of mass destruction; he fired at U.S. and British air
crews patrolling the no-fly zones; he defied more than a dozen U.N.
Security Council resolutions. Today, because America and a great
coalition acted, the regime is no longer in power, is no longer
sponsoring terrorists, is no longer destabilizing the region, is no
longer undermining the credibility of the United Nations, is no longer
threatening the world. Because we acted, 25 million Iraqis now taste
freedom.
The decision by the United States and our coalition partners to
remove Saddam Hussein was a really difficult decision -- it was the
right decision. After September the 11th, America decided that we would
fight the war on terror on the offense -- and that we would confront
threats before they fully materialized. Saddam Hussein was a threat to
the United States of America. America is safer today because Saddam
Hussein is no longer in power.
Coalition forces drove Saddam Hussein from power, and a U.S. Army
unit, led by a graduate of this school -- Colonel James Hickey, class of
1992 -- captured Saddam when he was hiding in a hole in the ground.
Today, thanks to our courageous men and women in uniform, the former
Iraqi dictator is sitting in a courtroom instead of a palace -- and he's
now facing justice for his crimes.
The past three years since liberation, the Iraqi people have begun
the difficult process of recovering from Saddam's repression. They're
beginning to build a democracy on the rubble of his tyranny. They still
face brutal and determined enemies: members of the deposed regime who
dream of returning to power, other insurgents and foreign terrorists who
dream of turning Iraq into what Afghanistan was under the Taliban -- a
safe haven from which to plot and plan new attacks against America and
our allies. The enemies of a free Iraq are determined to ignite a civil
war, put the Iraqi people -- to pit the Iraqi people against one
another, and to stop the country's democratic progress. Yet the Iraqi
people are determined to live in freedom -- and America is determined to
defeat the terrorists and we're determined to help the Iraqi people
succeed.
America is doing its part to help the Iraqis build a democracy. Our
nation can be proud of what our courageous men and women in uniform have
accomplished in the past three years. Since liberation, our forces have
captured or killed thousands of al Qaeda terrorists and other enemy
fighters; we've freed Fallujah and Tal Afar and other Iraqi cities from
the grip of the terrorists and the insurgents; we've trained Iraqi
security forces so they increasingly can take the lead in the fight --
and eventually assume responsibility for the security of their country.
We have learned from our mistakes. We've adjusted our approach to
meet the changing circumstances on the ground; we've adjusted depending
upon the actions of the enemy. By pursuing a clear and flexible strategy
in Iraq, we helped make it possible for Iraqis to choose their leaders
and begin to assume the responsibilities of self-government and
self-defense. In the past three years, our troops in Iraq have done
everything expected of them, and more. They've brought freedom to Iraq,
security to our country, and pride to the uniform -- and they have the
gratitude of all Americans.
In the past three years, the Iraqi people have done their part. They
defied death threats from the terrorists to cast ballots not one time,
not twice, but three times -- and each election saw larger and broader
turnout than the one that came before. Iraqis chose a transitional
government, drafted the most progressive constitution in the Arab world,
approved that constitution in a nationwide referendum, and voted for a
new government under the new constitution. And in December elections for
this government, despite the threats of violence and efforts to
discourage Sunni participation, nearly 12 million Iraqis -- that's more
than 75 percent of eligible voters -- turned out at the polls.
The Iraqi people have begun building a free society -- with a
thriving free press, and hundreds of independent newspapers and
magazines and talk radio shows where Iraqis openly debate the future
course of their country. The Iraqi people have begun building a free
economy -- with an independent central bank, and thousands of small
businesses and a relatively stable currency. Iraqi people have stepped
forward to fight for their freedom, as well. Despite repeated attacks on
military and police recruiting stations, more than 250,000 Iraqis have
volunteered to wear their country's uniform. These brave Iraqis are
increasingly taking the lead in the fight against the terrorists and the
insurgents. Today, there are more than 130 Iraqi Army and police combat
battalions in the fight -- with more than 70 Iraqi battalions taking the
lead. Iraqi units have assumed primary responsibility for more than
30,000 square miles of Iraq. We expect that Iraqi units will control
more territory than the coalition by the end of 2006.
Iraqis are fighting bravely -- and many have given their lives in the
battle for freedom for their country. And by their courage and
sacrifice, the Iraqi soldiers and civilians have shown that they want to
live in freedom -- and they're not going to let the terrorists take away
their opportunity to live in a free society.
Now it's time for the Iraqi leaders to do their part and finish the
job of forming a unity government. The people of Iraq have made their
intentions clear. At great personal risk, they went to the polls to
choose leaders in free elections. And now the leaders they've elected
have a responsibility to come together to form a government that unifies
all Iraqis. Secretary Rice was just in Baghdad, where she delivered a
strong message from me: Iraq leaders need to rise to the moment, to put
aside their personal agendas, and take charge of their destiny.
Iraqi leaders have taken some important steps forward. They have
agreed to an agenda for the new government to take up once it assumes
office -- including tough issues such as demobilization of the militias,
protecting the rights of women, restoring Iraq's infrastructure, and
building national institutions that will effectively represent all
Iraqis. Iraqi leaders have also agreed to form a new national security
council that includes all major political groups and representatives of
the executive and legislative branches. And now they must take the next
step and fill key leadership posts, so that a new government can begin
its essential work.
I understand that putting aside differences to form a government is
difficult. It was pretty hard for our country. Our first governing
charter, the Articles of Confederation, failed, and it took us eight
years before we adopted our Constitution and elected our first president
under that Constitution. Iraqis are going to make mistakes, as well.
They are undertaking a difficult process with little democratic
experience and with the scars of nearly three decades of Saddam Hussein
still fresh on their mind. Moving beyond past divisions to build a
strong democracy requires strong leadership -- and now is the time for
Iraqis to step up and show the leadership.
The Iraqi people have a right to expect it, and so do the American
people. Americans have made great sacrifices to help Iraq get to this
point. Iraqi voters risked their lives to go to the polls. Iraqi
soldiers and police have given their time to make this moment possible.
And so Americans and Iraqis alike are waiting and watching to see what
this sacrifice will produce -- and we both expect results. In the words
of one Iraqi newspaper, "The time has come for our politicians to save
people from their suffering and crises. The Iraqi people are more sacred
than government positions."
Forming a unity government is critical to defeating the terrorists
and securing the peace. The terrorists and insurgents thrive in a
political vacuum -- and the delay in forming a government is creating a
vacuum that the terrorists and insurgents are working to exploit. The
enemies of a free Iraq blew up the Golden Mosque in Samarra in the hope
that this outrageous act would provoke reprisals and drag the nation
into a civil war. This past Friday, suicide bombers blew up another Shia
mosque in northern Baghdad. The longer Iraq's leaders delay in forming a
unity government, the greater the risk that the terrorists and former
regime elements will succeed in their efforts to foment division and to
stop the progress of an Iraq democracy.
The terrorists know that the greatest threat to their aspirations is
Iraqi self-government. And we know this from the terrorists' own words.
In 2004, we intercepted a letter from Zarqawi to Osama bin Laden. In it,
Zarqawi expressed his concern about "the gap that will emerge between us
and the people of the land." He declared "democracy is coming." He went
on to say, this will mean "suffocation" for the terrorists. Zarqawi laid
out his strategy to stop democracy from taking root in Iraq. He wrote,
"If we succeed in dragging the Shia into the arena of sectarian war, it
will become possible to awaken the inattentive Sunnis as they feel
imminent danger ... the only solution for us is to strike the religious,
military, and other cadres among the Shia with blow after blow."
The advance of democracy is the terrorists' greatest fear. That's an
interesting question, isn't it -- why would they fear democracy? What is
it about freedom that frightens these killers? What is it about a
liberty that causes these people to kill innocent women and children? To
defeat them, Iraq needs a democratic government that represents all
Iraq, that reins in illegal militias, and earns the trust and confidence
of all Iraqi communities. When Iraqis have such a government to lead and
unite them, they will be in a stronger position to defeat their enemies
and secure the future with a free country. When Iraqis have a democratic
government in place, it will be a major victory for the cause of
freedom. It will be a major defeat for the terrorists' aspirations to
dominate the region and advance their hateful vision.
Once a government is formed, the international community must also do
its part to help this young democracy succeed. Iraq needs greater
international support -- particularly from its Arab neighbors. Arab
leaders need to recognize that the choice in Iraq is between democracy
and terrorism, and there is no middle ground. Success of Iraqi democracy
is in their vital interests -- because if the terrorists prevail in
Iraq, they will target other Arab nations.
The broader international community has responsibilities as well. So
far, other nations and international organizations have pledged more
than $13 billion in assistance to Iraq. Iraqis are grateful for the
promised aid -- and so is the United States. Yet many nations have been
slow to make good on their commitments. I call on all governments that
have pledged assistance to follow through with their promises as quickly
as possible -- so that the people across the Middle East will see that
democracy leads to a better life and a brighter future. The success of a
free Iraq is in the interests of all free nations -- and none can afford
to sit on the sidelines.
The formation of a unity government is a critical step -- but it's
not going to bring an immediate end to the violence Americans are seeing
on their TV screens. The terrorists are going to continue to spread
chaos and carnage in Iraq, because they know the images of car bombs and
beheadings horrify the American people. They know they can't defeat us
on the battlefield -- and that the only way to win in Iraq is to break
our will, and force us into an early retreat. Our enemies know what's at
stake, and they are determined to stop the rise of a democratic Iraq --
and I am equally determined to stop them.
The decision to go to war is one of the most difficult a President
can make. And in three years since our forces liberated Iraq, we've seen
many contradictory images that are difficult for Americans to reconcile.
On the one hand, we have seen images of great hope -- boys and girls
back in school, and millions of Iraqis dipping their fingers in purple
ink, or dancing in the streets, or celebrating their freedom. On the
other hand, we have seen images of unimaginable despair -- bombs
destroying hospitals, and hostages bound and executed. And this raises
the question in the minds of many Americans -- which image will prevail?
I'll give you my opinion: I believe that freedom will prevail in Iraq. I
believe moms and dads everywhere want their children to grow up in
safety and freedom. I believe freedom will prevail because the
terrorists have nothing to offer the Iraqi people. I believe freedom
will prevail because once people have tasted freedom, they will not
accept a return to tyranny.
It's important for Americans to understand the stakes in Iraq. A free
Iraq will be an ally in the war on terror. A free Iraq will be a partner
in the struggle for peace and moderation in the Muslim world. A free
Iraq will inspire democratic reformers from Damascus to Tehran, and send
a signal across the broader Middle East that the future belongs not to
terrorism but to freedom. A free Iraq will show the power of liberty to
change the world. And as the Middle East grows in liberty and prosperity
and hope, the terrorists will lose their safe havens and recruits, and
America and other free nations will be more secure.
Today Iraq is free and sovereign -- and that freedom and sovereignty
has come at a great price. Because Americans and Iraqis and troops from
17 other nations gave up their own futures so the Iraqi people could
have a future of freedom, this world is better off, because of their
sacrifice. America will honor their sacrifice by completing the mission
in Iraq -- and Iraqi leaders have a responsibility to the fallen as
well. By working together, we'll build a future of freedom for both our
people. We're laying the foundation of peace for generations to come.
I appreciate your attention, and now I'll be glad to answer some
questions. (Applause.) Please.
Q Mr. President, thank you very much for coming. We appreciate it. My
question to you, Mr. President -- I'll preface it with a comment. Many
of us here are aspiring policymakers. Many of us here hope to one day be
in positions of leadership. And some of us may be faced with decisions
-- very difficult decisions on the use of force and engaging in war. I
was hoping that from your experience, you could share with us some
wisdom or some insight -- not necessarily on tactics, but something we
can take with us through our careers, that we can apply maybe at some
point. Thank you.
THE PRESIDENT: Thanks for the question. I would encourage those of
you studying here to be a part of policymaking for our government. It's
-- it is a high honor to serve your country. And my first advice is,
never use force until you've exhausted all diplomacy. I -- my second
advice is, if you ever put anybody in harm's way, make sure they have
got all the support of the government. My third advice is, don't make
decisions on polls. Stand your ground if you think what you're doing
[is] right.
Much of my decision about what we're discussing these days was
affected by an event. Look, I -- during the 2000 campaign, I don't
remember ever discussing with people what -- could I handle war, or
could my opponent handle war. The war wasn't on our mind. War came
unexpectedly. We didn't ask for the attack, but it came. And so much of
the statements I make and have made since that war were a result of that
attack.
I vowed then that I would use all assets of our power to win the war
on terror. That's what I vowed. It -- the September 11th attacks
affected me. It affected my thinking deeply. The most important job of
the government is to protect the people from an attack. And so I said we
were going to stay on the offense two ways: one, hunt down the enemy and
bring them to justice, and take threats seriously; and two, spread
freedom. And that's what we've been doing, and that's what I'm going to
continue to do as the President.
I think about the war on terror all the time. Now, I understand
there's a difference of opinion in a country. Some view the attack as
kind of an isolated incident. I don't. I view it as a part of a strategy
by a totalitarian, ideologically based group of people who've announced
their intentions to spread that ideology and to attack us again. That's
what they've said they're going to do. And the most dangerous -- the
biggest danger facing our country is whether -- if the terrorists get a
weapons of mass destruction to use. Now, perhaps some in our country
think it's a -- that's a pipedream; I don't. I think it is a very real
threat, and therefore, will spend my presidency rallying our assets --
intelligence assets, military assets, financial assets, diplomatic
initiatives -- to keep the enemy off balance, and to bring them to
justice.
Now, if you're going to be the President or a policymaker, you never
know what's going to come. That's the interesting thing about the world
in which we live. We're a influential nation, and so, therefore, many
problems come to the Oval Office. And you don't know what those problems
are going to be, which then argues for having smart people around.
That's why you ought to serve in government if you're not going to be
the President. You have a chance to influence policy by giving good
recommendations to the President.
You got to listen in my line of work, and I listen a lot. Ours is a
complex organization that requires a management structure that lets
people come into the Oval Office and explain their positions. And I
think it's to my interest, by the way, that not everybody agree all the
time. You can't make good decisions unless there's a little -- kind of a
little agitation in there. (Laughter.) And sometimes we have.
But anyway, good question. I guess, my answer to your question is, is
that you got to be ready for the unexpected. And when you act, you base
your decisions on principles. I'll tell you one principle -- I'm not
going to filibuster, I promise -- but you got me going here, so --
(laughter.) I want you to understand this principle, and it's an
important debate and it's worth debating here in this school, as to
whether or not freedom is universal, whether or not it's a universal
right of all men and women. It's an interesting part of the
international dialogue today. And I think it is universal. And if you
believe it's universal, I believe this country has -- should act on that
concept of universality. And the reason I do is because I do believe
freedom yields the peace.
And our foreign policy prior to my arrival was "if it seems okay,
leave it alone." In other words, if it's nice and placid out there on
the surface, it's okay, just let it sit. But unfortunately, beneath the
surface was resentment and hatred, and that kind of resentment and
hatred provided ample recruitment, fertile grounds for recruiting people
that came and killed over 3,000 of our citizens. And therefore, I
believe the way to defeat resentment is with freedom and liberty.
But if you don't believe it's universal, I can understand why you
say, what's he doing, why is he doing that? If there's no such thing as
the universality of freedom, then we might as well just isolate
ourselves and hope for the best.
And so -- anyway, kind of rambling here. (Laughter.) Yes.
Q Mr. President, thanks very much for your visit today. We're honored
by your visit. You mentioned the confluence of terror and weapons of
mass destruction as the greatest threat to American security. Will the
United States allow Iran to develop nuclear weapons?
THE PRESIDENT: Ah. (Laughter.) We do not want the Iranians to have a
nuclear weapon, the capacity to make a nuclear weapon, or the knowledge
as to how to make a nuclear weapon. That's our stated goal. It's also
the goal, fortunately, of other -- of friends and allies, starting with
Great Britain, Germany, and France.
One of the decisions I made early on was to have a multinational
approach to sending messages -- clear messages to the Iranians that --
that if they want to be a part of the -- an accepted nation in the
world, that they must give up their nuclear weapons ambitions. And we're
making pretty good progress.
By the way, if you're studying how to achieve diplomatic ends, it
might be worthwhile noting -- I think at least -- with the United States
being the sole interlocutor between Iran, it makes it more difficult to
achieve the objective of having the Iranians give up their nuclear
weapons ambitions.
It's amazing that when we're in a bilateral position, or kind of just
negotiating one on one, somehow the world ends up turning the tables on
us. And I'm not going to put my country in that position -- our country
in that position. Also, I think it's more effective that the three of us
-- the four of us work closely together.
We've also included Russia into the dialogue. A couple of months
back, you might remember there was a discussion about whether or not the
Russians should be allowed to build -- or encouraged to build a civilian
nuclear power plant, but the fuel of which would be provided and
collected by the Russians. I supported that initiative. I thought it was
difficult, on the one hand, to say that civilian nuclear power is a
sovereign right of a nation, and on the other hand, not to then support
the Russian initiative. And I did so. I also did so because I want
Russia to be a part of the -- part of the team, trying to convince the
Iranians to give up its nuclear weapons program.
Now, I want to emphasize this point, and that is, is that we're not
only making sure they don't have the means to develop the weapon, but
the knowledge. And that's why I was very strong in saying that they
should not have -- that there should not be a research component
involved with the Russian deal that will enable the Iranians to learn
how to better enriched -- enrich uranium.
But our objective is to prevent them from having a nuclear weapon.
And the good news is, is that many in the world have come to that
conclusion. I got out a little early on the issue by saying, axis of
evil. (Laughter.) But I meant it. I saw it as a problem. And now, many
others have -- have come to the conclusion that the Iranians should not
have a nuclear weapon.
The doctrine of prevention is to work together to prevent the
Iranians from having a nuclear weapon. I know -- I know here in
Washington prevention means force. It doesn't mean force, necessarily.
In this case, it means diplomacy. And by the way, I read the articles in
the newspapers this weekend. It was just wild speculation, by the way.
What you're reading is wild speculation, which is -- it's kind of a --
happens quite frequently here in the nation's capital.
Yes. Please.
Q Thank you, Mr. President. It's an honor to have you here. I'm a
first-year student in South Asia studies. My question is in regards to
private military contractors. Uniform Code of Military Justice does not
apply to these contractors in Iraq. I asked your Secretary of Defense a
couple months ago what law governs their actions.
THE PRESIDENT: I was going to ask him. Go ahead. (Laughter.) Help.
(Laughter.)
Q I was hoping your answer might be a little more specific.
(Laughter.) Mr. Rumsfeld answered that Iraq has its own domestic laws
which he assumed applied to those private military contractors. However,
Iraq is clearly not currently capable of enforcing its laws, much less
against -- over our American military contractors. I would submit to you
that in this case, this is one case that privatization is not a
solution. And, Mr. President, how do you propose to bring private
military contractors under a system of law?
THE PRESIDENT: I appreciate that very much. I wasn't kidding --
(laughter.) I was going to -- I pick up the phone and say, Mr.
Secretary, I've got an interesting question. (Laughter.) This is what
delegation -- I don't mean to be dodging the question, although it's
kind of convenient in this case, but never -- (laughter.) I really will
-- I'm going to call the Secretary and say you brought up a very valid
question, and what are we doing about it? That's how I work. I'm --
thanks. (Laughter.)
Yes, ma'am.
Q Hello, Mr. President. I have a follow-up question on your comments
on polls. Your presidency has been a rather polarizing period in
America. And occasionally your attitude towards protestors and
dissenters has been perceived as being dismissive, and occasionally,
then, cavalier. And I'm wondering how you feel that's contributed to the
polarization in politics today, and if that approach will change, given
that you have fallen somewhat in the polls.
THE PRESIDENT: Well -- (laughter) -- I take protest seriously. I
mean, I -- by the way, I get protested all the time. (Laughter.) And I
welcome it. I think this is the great thing about a democracy. There
needs to be an outlet. If people feel like their government is not
listening to them or doesn't agree with them, there ought to be an
outlet for their discontent.
And so the protests really don't bother me. I hope that's not viewed
as cavalier, but it's just the way I feel. And it's -- in terms of
polls, you cannot have a President make decisions based upon the latest
political survey. You got to have people making decisions based upon
principle. And my attitude is, I'm going to do what I think is right.
I've got to be able to look at myself, by the way -- after the
presidency -- in the mirror and say, I didn't come to Washington, D.C.
to try to chase political opinion. I came to lead this country in a very
historic time.
And you heard my discussion about my reaction after 9/11. That's what
I believe. And that's what I'm going -- those are some of the beliefs on
which I'm going to continue to make decisions.
But, no, I hear voices of discontent, and I'm just going to do the
best I can do based upon what I think is right. There's too much
flattery, too much ego, too much criticism, too much noise, too much
politics, too much that for a President to try to kind of grope his way
around looking at the latest public opinion poll. In my judgment, it
doesn't serve the nation well.
A while ago at a press conference, I remember uttering one wonderful
piece of wisdom, it's like a dog chasing his tail. It actually didn't
fly that good. But, nevertheless, my point -- (laughter.) But thank you,
it's a legitimate question. And so, to answer your question, yes, I hear
the protests. And I can understand why. I can understand why people are
concerned about war. Nobody likes war, particularly me. I knew exactly
what was going to happen when I committed these troops into harm's way.
I knew there would be -- people would lose their life. And I knew I'd be
trying to comfort mothers and fathers and grieving wives. I knew exactly
what was coming. And if I didn't think it was the right thing to do, I
wouldn't have sent them. And if I didn't think we could succeed in Iraq,
I'd pull them out.
And the good thing about a democracy is people can express
themselves. We're fixing to have a huge immigration march today. And
it's a sign that there's a -- this is an important issue that people
feel strongly about. And I repeat to you, I strongly believe that
societies in which you're not allowed to express yourself are societies
which do breed resentment, and kind of bottled-up anxiety causes people
to become very frustrated. And that's not healthy for a society.
Yes.
Q First let me say, thank you very much for being here and thank you
for taking questions. I know we appreciate that. I'm a second-year
master's student studying international energy policy.
THE PRESIDENT: International?
Q Energy policy.
THE PRESIDENT: Oh, good.
Q Sorry. (Laughter.) My question, sir, is, well, as Anthony alluded
to earlier, and as you're aware, we have many students at SAIS who are
currently working for or considering working for the State Department,
the various intelligence agencies and such. And how do you respond to
the recent report by Prosecutor Fitzgerald that there is, in his words,
a concerted -- "evidence of a concerted effort by the White House to
punish Joseph Wilson" who, himself, has a distinguished record of
government service?
THE PRESIDENT: Yes. No, I -- this is -- there's an ongoing legal
proceeding which precludes me from talking a lot about the case. There's
also an ongoing investigation that's a serious investigation. I will say
this, that after we liberated Iraq, there was questions in people's
minds about the basis on which I made statements, in other words, going
into Iraq. And so I decided to declassify the NIE for a reason. I wanted
to see -- people to see what some of those statements were based on. So
I wanted to see -- I wanted people to see the truth and thought it made
sense for people to see the truth. And that's why I declassified the
document.
You can't talk about -- you're not supposed to talk about classified
information, and so I declassified the document. I thought it was
important for people to get a better sense for why I was saying what I
was saying in my speeches. And I felt I could do so without jeopardizing
ongoing intelligence matters, and so I did.
And as far as the rest of the case goes, you're just going to have to
let Mr. Fitzgerald complete his case. And I hope you understand that.
It's a serious legal matter that we've got to be careful in making
public statements about it.
Yes, please.
Q Good morning, Mr. President. Thank you for coming here today. I'd
like to briefly turn you a moment -- turn your attention to the Asia
Pacific, the security situation in Asia right now. Secretary Rice, last
March, met with her counterparts in Japan and Australia in a security
dialogue, discussing security issues in Asia Pacific. And this made many
countries in the region very uncomfortable. They felt that this security
dialogue may have been an effort to contain the "China threat." And
mostly our alliance partners in South Korea, Singapore and Thailand have
felt this uneasiness. Could you possibly elucidate for us your
administration's strategy towards Asia Pacific, ahead of President Hu
Jintao's visit to Washington? And was the dialogue a prelude to a
NATO-like security structure in Asia Pacific?
THE PRESIDENT: Thanks for the question. We have worked hard to make
sure relations with Japan, China and South Korea are on firm footing,
and they are. First, the Japanese relationship is a close relationship.
I'm personally fond of Prime Minister Koizumi. We have a close
relationship and I've worked very closely with him on a variety of
matters, starting with making sure our force posture is such that can --
that the Japanese are comfortable with.
I don't know if you saw the recent announcements about Okinawa, for
example. You're beginning to see a defense relationship and alliance
that stays intact, but is more attuned to the future. Secondly, he's
committed troops into Iraq. He believes like I believe, that democracy
helps keep the peace. We've worked closely in Afghanistan. In other
words, we're partners in peace.
The South Korean issue is one, obviously, that's dominated primarily
by North Korea. And I made the decision early on in the administration
to change the dynamics in that negotiation from the United States and
North Korea, to the United States, China, Russia, South Korea, and
Japan, called the six-party talks, all aiming to get people who have got
a stake with North Korea at the table, all aiming, again, to send a
united voice to the North Koreans.
I'm a little -- the North Korean nuclear issue disturbs me, but also
equally disturbs me is the fact that people are being starved to death.
And it should disturb the world. It should disturb all of us. The North
Korea issue dominates my discussions with South Korea. However, there's
a -- South Korea and America has committed ourselves to the peace that
comes, or the balance that comes with the U.S. force presence there in
South Korea, although it's been reduced, as well. We did not reduce
force; we reduced manpower, as you probably know since you study it.
The issue that is on most Americans' mind, and the issue that really
is the issue of the future in many ways, is China. And I would call our
relationship with China very positive and complex. It's positive because
we do have dialogue. It's positive because the Chinese leadership -- Hu
Jintao and his predecessor -- were able to sit down and we had pretty
frank discussions about a variety of issues.
On our agenda, of course, is trade -- fairness in trade, as well as
human rights and freedom of religion. On their issue -- on their agenda
has been in the past Taiwan, of course, which is a predominate issue.
I've worked hard on that issue to make it clear that our position has
not changed and we do not expect either party to unilaterally change the
status quo.
And one of the things, of course, we work on is to -- would be very
helpful if the Japanese and the Chinese had better relations, and the
Japanese and the South Koreans. So we're spending time on that issue, as
well, to try to bring a sense of -- to encourage more dialogue with --
amongst those parties.
Our presence in the Far East is really important. And so, therefore,
my administration has been active in making sure we stay active in the
region. The visit of Hu Jintao will be an interesting and important
visit. He's coming into a country where there's an over $200-billion
trade deficit and a lot of Americans are wondering, where's the equity
in trade? And therefore, I think he could help the Americans understand
the importance of a free trading world if he were to maybe make a
statement on his currency, for example.
I believe it's important for Americans to see a society that goes
from being a -- having its economic growth driven by exports to one
having its economic growth more by consumer demand inside the country.
That's an important part of our dialogue with China.
It's very important for him to make a declaration on international
property rights -- IPR. It's difficult for a nation that likes to trade,
like ours, to go into a country uncertain as to whether or not patents
will be protected, or product will be protected from copy. And so it
will be a wide agenda.
The Far -- the Pacific area is a very important part of our foreign
policy. It's one where we've got a very active presence, and we'll
continue to keep one. We've got a free-trade agreement -- you mentioned
Singapore -- we've got a free-trade agreement with Singapore. And it's
our -- my relationship with these countries is based more than on just
trade and commercialism. Mine is to work toward more democracy and
freedom, as well, in the region so that we can keep the peace in the
long run.
I keep repeating this, I know, but I firmly believe that one way you
lay the foundation for peace is to spread liberty and freedom. And there
-- again, I understand there's a debate. There's a legitimate debate.
I'm just telling you what my position is. And I got something to say
about it.
Yes.
Q Good morning, President Bush. I also feel very strongly about
freedom, although I see it in terms of human trafficking. Your
administration takes a very strong stance against prostitution. Because
of that you do not disperse funds to a lot of very effective NGOs around
the world who pragmatically combat sex trafficking by working with
existing prostitution networks. There's no evidence right now that
proves either legalizing prostitution or criminalizing prostitution has
any effect in the change of sex-trafficking cases. Have you considered
changing your ideas about prostitution for the purposes of helping
either save or keep people from being enslaved in sex prostitution?
THE PRESIDENT: No, I appreciate it. I'm -- it sounds like I'm dodging
here, but, again, you know more about this subject than I, and I will be
glad to call Condi and talk to her about our policy. I thought we had a
very robust strategy on exploitation of women and children, particularly
around the world. I think I addressed this subject at the United Nations
and was the only world leader to do. But as specifically about our
position on prostitution, I'm going to have to talk to the Secretary
about it.
Yes.
Q Morning, Mr. President. I have a more general question about the
United States' work to democratize the rest of the world. Many have
viewed the United States' effort to democratize the world -- especially
nations in the Middle East -- as an imposition or invasion on their
sovereign rights. Considering that it was, in fact, the Prophet Mohammed
who established the first known constitution in the world -- I'm
referring to the constitution he wrote for the city of Medina --and that
his life and the principles outlined in his constitution, such as the
championing of the welfare of women, children and the poor, living as an
equal among his people, dissolving disputes between the warring clans in
Arabia, giving any man or woman in parliament the right to vote and
guaranteeing respect for all religions, ironically parallel those
principles that we hold most precious in our own Constitution. I'm
wondering how might your recently formed Iraq Study Group under the U.S.
Institute for Peace explore these striking similarities to forge a new
relationship with Iraqis and educate Americans about the democratic
principles inherent in Islam?
THE PRESIDENT: Great question. I believe that the terrorists have
hijacked a peaceful religion in order to justify their behavior. I thank
you for bringing that to my attention. I will pass on your comments to
James A. Baker, who is one of the chairmen of the group going to Iraq.
See, you said something really interesting. Initially, you said,
people view America imposing its beliefs. And I hearken back to what I
said earlier -- this fellow's question here -- that if you believe that
freedom is not universal, then it could be viewed as an imposition of
beliefs. I'm not saying to countries, you've got to look like us or act
like us, but I am saying, you know, give your people a chance to be
free. And I think it's necessary for America to take the lead on this
issue. I think it is -- I think it is vital for our future that we
encourage liberty, and in this case, the Middle East. And as you said,
it doesn't necessarily run contrary to what the Prophet Mohammad said.
It's a -- and so how do you advance freedom? I mean, well, one thing
you do is you make sure that the Lebanese have a chance to self-govern
freely without Syrian interference. It's one thing you can do. Another
thing you can do is work for the establishment of a Palestinian state,
which I'm doing. I believe that there will be a Palestinian state that
is at peace with Israel. I believe it's going to have to be a democracy
-- again, a Palestinian-style democracy -- to achieve that. But in my --
early in my presidency, I said it's in our interest that there be two
states, side-by-side in peace, and we're working toward that end.
You know, part of the debate here that I'm sure you're discussing is
whether or not the United States should insist upon elections before
everything is right. You hear the -- the civil society has to be just
right before you can have elections. I disagree strongly with that. I
think elections are the beginning of the process, not the end.
And I found the elections that Hamas won very instructive and very
interesting. It was -- to me, it was a final condemnation of the Arafat
era, where people said, we're sick of corruption; we want better health
care and better education; we want -- we actually want our leaders to
focus on the people, not on their self interests.
And because I believe in two states, side-by-side in peace, and
therefore expect the government of both to be peaceful toward each
other, we're not going to deal with a government that has announced that
they want to destroy Israel. On the other hand, we will help the
Palestinian people. And I believe a democracy will eventually yield the
state necessary to be side-by-side with Israel in peace.
The success of a democracy in Iraq -- and as I told you, I think
we're going to succeed; as a matter of fact, I know we are if we don't
lose our nerve -- will send a powerful signal. Imagine the signal it
will send to people in Iran that are not free right now. I believe the
women's movement is going to be the leading edge of changing the Middle
East. I don't believe women want to live as second-class citizens. I
believe -- I believe it's -- I believe there's a universal desire to be
treated fairly and equally.
And so I think -- look, I'm pleased with the progress. I was reading
the other day where Kuwaiti women are running for office. It's a
positive sign, you know? We've got to be realistic about what's
possible, but we've got to be firm in our belief that freedom is
possible and necessary. Otherwise -- I'll repeat to you -- a system that
says, okay, let's just tolerate the tyrant so long as everything seems
okay, didn't work.
That's one of the lessons of the attack on the United States. You
know, the world seemed fine, didn't it? It seemed kind of placid --
there was a bubble here, a bubble there. But everything seemed all
right. And yet, beneath the surface, there was tremendous resentment.
And it's now come to the -- and so how do you defeat their -- now, if
you don't think they have a ideology or a point of view, and/or a
strategy to impose it, you're not going to understand why you think the
United States ought not to be as active as we are.
But I believe differently. I believe they're bound -- these folks are
bound by an ideology. I know that they have got desires. They say it.
This is one of -- this is a different -- this is a war in which the
enemy actually speaks out loud. You heard the letter I wrote -- read
from -- they didn't speak out loud on this one, but nevertheless, it's a
-- we've got to take their word seriously. When the enemy speaks, it
makes sense for our military, our intelligence, the President to take
the word seriously so we can adapt and adjust.
Anyway, very interesting question. Thanks for bringing that to my
attention. Yes, ma'am.
Q Hi, Mr. President. Thank you very much for coming to speak with us.
I am studying international development. And you have alluded much to
tensions beneath the surface of countries. A lot of times, this comes
from economic underdevelopment and lack of economic opportunities. You
haven't spoken directly about economic development this morning. And I
would like to know where economic development lies on your priority
list? And also, looking at countries that maybe haven't, in your words,
gotten everything right in terms of political stability or
democratization, is holding development funds -- keeping development
funds from those countries actually counterproductive? Because if you
can help the country to develop economically, maybe some of these
underlying tensions might dissipate.
THE PRESIDENT: It's a great question. First of all, I'm a -- matter
of fact, I met this morning with Rob Portman, head of the USTR, about
the Doha Round of -- for the WTO. And the reason I did is because I'm a
big believer that trade helps lift people out of poverty. As a matter of
fact, if you really study the relationship between development aid
versus capital and the movement of capital and who -- and how a society
benefits more, it's because of trade and commerce.
And so we've been very active in this administration. AGOA, for
example, is a free trade agreement with Africa. President Clinton passed
it. I was more than happy to sign its extension, and we've been very
hard [sic] in implementing it on the recognition that trade is a vital
way for -- to help people get their economies up and running.
And so no question the economy is important. In the Palestinian
territories, Jim Wolfensohn went over with a plan -- prior to the
election, by the way -- with a plan to help the Palestinians develop
their economy on the -- on the exact premise that you talk about.
Economic development provides hope.
And so, you bet. It's an integral of our policy. We give a lot of aid
out, by the way. We give aid to countries that may like us, may not like
us, except in few instances. I have changed the development program,
however, from -- let me say, I added on to the development programs to
what's called the Millennium Challenge Account. And that is a
conditional-based aid program. It's condition based upon poverty level,
but it's also condition based upon behavior of government.
We should not be -- we should insist that governments fight
corruption. It seems like to me it's a rational thing to do with
taxpayers' money. And so part of the -- one of the criterion for the
Millennium Challenge Account, it says, you don't get money if you don't
fight corruption. We should insist that people invest in the health and
education of their people. We should insist on marketplace reforms, open
markets, so that people have a chance to realize the benefits of a
growing economy. And we do. And so we give aid.
But the Millennium Challenge account is an additional program that is
no question conditional-based, based upon I think rational criterion. I
remember having the discussion with some friends of mine from another --
from another part of the world. They said, how can you insist upon
conditions for the aid? I said, how can you not? Why does it not make
sense to say, get rid of your corruption? Unless you people think --
unless people think that maybe the corruption is normal and necessary.
It's not. A lot of people -- a lot of countries have suffered as a
result of governments that didn't care about them.
The other thing we're doing aggressively is to fight hunger and
disease. Part of making sure that an economy can take hold is a -- for
example, for AGOA to be effective, there's got to be -- we got to do
something about HIV/AIDS, and we are. We're spending about $15 billion
-- or will have spent $15 billion over five years. And it's beginning to
make a difference. And I'm real proud of our country, and I'm real proud
of our friends and partners on the ground to get antiretroviral drugs to
people, to help with prevention, to help take care of the orphans. And
we feed a lot of people, too. Ours is a generous nation.
So the development program is more than just passing out aid. It is
trade. It is insistent upon habits of government, and it's also fighting
disease and hunger.
Yes.
Q Thank you, Mr. President, for coming to SAIS today. I'm a
first-year master's candidate. In two years, the American political
system will face a unique moment in its history, for, in fact, a sitting
Vice President will decline the nomination for the presidency. What are
the implications for the Republican Party, your legacy, and, if you
could choose, who would your successor be? Thank you. (Laughter.)
THE PRESIDENT: I'm not through yet, you know. (Laughter.) It is --
I'm glad my Vice President is not running for President. Not that he
would make a great President, but that it certainly changes the dynamics
inside the White House. And it is an amazing moment, you're right. I
guess it's the most wide-open race ever. Oh, it can't be "ever." "Ever"
is too long. (Laughter.) But in a long time. (Laughter.)
I am going to spend two-and-a-half years charging as hard as I
possibly can -- I want to sprint out of office. And I will be a
interested observer, and I'm sure I'll be roped into moments after our
party nominates a candidate, but I'm just going to let the politics run
its course.
And I've got a lot to do. We've got -- listen, here are some of the
challenges we face. We got to get off Middle Eastern oil, and therefore,
we need to stay focused on a research and development initiative that
helps us get away from fossil fuels, but also helps countries like India
diversify away from fossil fuels. And that's why the agreement I reached
with India is a very important agreement -- I thought that's what you
were going to ask. (Laughter.)
And many of you are -- you look a lot younger than me -- (laughter)
-- and so, therefore, you better be worried about Social Security and
Medicare. Our balance sheet is, no question, affected by a current
account deficit. But a looming issue is the unfunded liabilities
inherent in Social Security. And the government needs to deal with it.
The problem is, Washington is so political that, so far, it's -- well,
if somebody looks good, somebody looks bad. And so I'm going to stay
focused on that, as well, and hopefully get a bipartisan solution on
Social Security and Medicare, so that we can say to a younger
generation, we did our duty; we did something that's really hard to do.
But we'd better get it done. The system is going broke and you're going
to pay a lot.
The immigration debate is an important debate. I don't -- my point is
-- and I'll be glad to opine on it if you like. I think we need to be --
understand that we're a nation of immigrants, that we ought to be
compassionate about this debate and provide a -- obviously, we've got to
secure the border and enforce the law. But one way to do so is to make
sure that people who are coming in here to work have a legal -- get a
card so they don't have to try to sneak across the border, which takes
pressure off our border. People ought to be here on -- be able to work
on a temporary basis, and if they want to become a citizen, after a
series of steps they got to take, they get in line like everybody else
-- not at the head of the line, but the end of the line. And if Congress
wants to say, well, we need more people from a certain country, they
expand the number of green cards available.
My point to you is, I got a lot to do and you're the beginning --
you're the leading edge of what's going to happen, I know --
particularly from our friends in the press corps, they're going to be
asking these questions a lot -- so-and-so said this, what do you say
about that, or so-and-so -- who are you for on this? And I'm going to do
my job as the President.
Yes.
Q Good morning, Mr. President. Thank you for coming. I agree with
your assertion that Iraq is going to serve as a model for reformers,
democratic reformers in the Middle East. But at the same time, I believe
that whenever the seas are rough, the despots of the Middle East keep
their heads down until the winds blow, and then they continue to do the
exact same thing they've been doing for generations. I'm wondering what
pressures are we putting -- or planning to put on these despots, some of
whom are allies?
And one point of correction to my colleague -- the first constitution
was written by Hammurabi in Samaria, modern-day Iraq. (Laughter.)
THE PRESIDENT: I was going to say that, you know, but I wanted to --
(laughter and applause.) Each President has his own style about how we
deal with different leaders. I believe that it's very important for
people to be -- to listen. And therefore, I'm a person who does a lot of
my work in private with these different leaders.
I talk frankly with people, but you can't have a frank discussion
with somebody if you -- if they feel like you're going to hold them up
for public ridicule or public criticism. And so for those of you who are
thinking about being President, or being involved with diplomacy, you've
got to think about how you deal with somebody you don't necessarily
agree with, and how best to be effective.
And so I just will tell you, however, I'm constantly talking about
the need for there to be democracy and reform. And there's plenty of
leverage throughout our government. The President is not the sole voice
when it comes to advancing the democracy agenda. You might notice Madam
Secretary occasionally is outspoken in her -- as she travels the world,
which is positive. But there are other ways to send the message, as
well, that we believe strongly that countries ought to adapt -- have
democratic habits.
I mentioned to you the notion of the women's movement in the Middle
East. There is a way where the United States can effectively use NGOs --
and I recognize -- let me just say, I recognize sometimes if it says
"Made in the USA" on it, it makes it more difficult to achieve certain
reforms. And so we got to be wise about how we convince others to
understand the importance of freedom. But we're -- I can just assure you
that we're constant dialogue.
And I have had a lot of dialogue with the leaders that come to see me
in reminding them that whole societies are those that recognize the
importance of giving people a chance to express themselves. And you'll
find in the Middle East, there's -- some people will say, well, what
about such and such a group, they appear to be dangerous.
My answer is, if they've got support on the street, there's a reason.
And if I were you, I would listen to the people better than they listen
to the people. There's a reason why grass roots movements start. And one
thing about democracy is, is that it forces the grass roots movement out
in the open so people compete for ideas and for the will of the people
in an open forum, not a closed forum. And it's those leaders that say, I
fear the grass root movement, are those that eventually are going to get
whipped unless they out-compete them -- out-compete them in a good
sense, out-compete them for services, out-compete those who are stirring
up the anxieties on the street by listening to the people and actually
responding.
I know that's a foreign concept at -- sometimes, but nevertheless,
it's a concept that ends up leading to a more whole society. And it's
not easy work. We live in a world today where everything is supposed to
happen yesterday. If you really think about Iraq, and it's tough -- I
fully recognize it's difficult. And I know people are anxious and their
hearts break when they see the loss of innocent life. But it was four
months ago that there was one of the most amazing elections in the
history of the Middle East -- four short months ago. It seems like a
decade, doesn't it? At least it does to me. (Laughter.)
And so we're in a world where everything is like supposed to happen
that way. But that's not the way it works. I believe what we're doing is
putting those seeds in the ground. And it's important for future
administrations to follow up, it seems like to me. And I said -- I
thought I laid out a pretty good marker for the United States in my
second inaugural address, that said, why don't we work to end tyranny --
it's a noble goal -- under the belief that people desire to be free. And
people should live in freedom.
I told you, listen, I'm deeply concerned about societies in which
people are starving to death, in which people are ravaged by HIV/AIDS.
That's why we've taken the initiative in this country. And it's very
important for the American people to feel good about that initiative, as
well. It's not George Bush's initiative. It's the American people's
initiative.
One of the principles that guides my policy is: To whom much is
given, much is required. And I believe that's an essential part of the
United States foreign policy.
I'll tell you another issue, now that I'm getting wound up, that you
better consider and think about as future policymakers, is whether or
not this country is going to succumb to protectionism and isolationism.
And it's an interesting moment in our country's history. I put it in the
State of the Union for a reason. I decided not to go with "here's the 42
things we're going to do to you or for you." (Laughter.) It's -- I
talked about -- I talked about the themes. I'm serious about this now.
And as young policy-makers, you need to seriously consider whether or
not this country of ours is going to be confident enough to continue to
lead. If we become isolationist, then we basically say, let them suffer.
If we become isolationist, then we say, it doesn't matter if people live
in freedom or not. If we become protectionist, we say, trade is okay,
but we're more worried about competing in the world stage then we are
helping developed nations grow.
And this is a serious debate that needs to be taken -- my position is
clear. I'm absolutely for this United States of America staying engaged
to the world. And we've got to be confident in the values -- listen, we
were formed on the natural rights of men and women. Those weren't
American rights. They were natural rights. There's something greater in
our founding that speaks to kind of the universality of liberty.
And we ought to be confident about our ability to compete in trade.
And I know it's difficult. I know it's hard if you're living in the
Midwest and you lost your job, and somebody tells you you lost your job
because of free trade. It's difficult for people. I know that. On the
other hand, my judgment is if we put up walls and aren't willing to have
free and fair trade, it will hurt the world economy and it will cause
people to suffer here at home and abroad.
But this is a defining moment, in my judgment, on these debates. I've
got a pretty good antennae. I'm able to -- see, I get a pretty good
sense of how people are trending. And it's -- and I would hope that out
of this school comes people who are confident in American values and
confident in our ability to compete.
Now, we've got to do smart things, and we've got an economic debate
going on here. I think if we run up taxes, it will hurt our economy and
make us less competitive. I know we've got to do something about energy
to make us competitive in the 21st century. We really have to make sure
we've got kids who've got the skill set necessary to fill the jobs of
the 21st century. I mean, there are things we've got to do to make sure
we remain competitive. It just doesn't happen. But nevertheless, we
shouldn't fear it. We shouldn't fear competition. Competition is good.
And so I just hope -- I hope -- look, I'm not telling you what your
curriculum is, but it's something worth talking about. These are --
these happen to be the big trends of our society. And it's going to
take, in my judgment, a future generation of people standing up, not
losing our confidence. Look at the 1920s in our country's history. We
shut down immigration, we had huge trade tariffs, and we were
isolationist. And it didn't serve our country well, in my judgment.
All right, I've got to go to work. (Laughter.) This isn't work, this
is enjoyable. I want to thank you all for giving me a chance to come by
and visit with you. Thanks for considering serving our country. It's a
noble calling. It's a noble calling, and worthwhile.
God bless you. (Applause.)