THE
PRESIDENT: Thank you all. (Applause.) Thanks for having me. Please be
seated. Thank you for the kind introduction, Jonnie, and thanks for the
warm welcome. I appreciate being invited to come. It's such an honor to
be here to stand up with so many strong and caring women -- and a few
men -- (laughter) -- who are devoted to their husbands and their wives,
and to our country.
I remember when Laura came over here to speak before -- she had a
heck of a good time. I bet you're probably wishing she was back.
(Laughter.) This is the 28th anniversary of this luncheon. (Applause.)
Laura and I happen to have our 28th anniversary of our own coming up
Saturday. (Applause.) You helped me remember. (Laughter.) It's the best
decision I ever made, was marrying Laura in Midland, Texas. (Applause.)
Some question whether or not it was the best decision she ever made.
(Laughter.)
Speaking about decisions, I've got another decision to make, and
maybe after the lunch you can help me, and that is what do I get her on
the 28th anniversary? (Laughter.) Never mind. (Laughter.) Never mind.
(Laughter.) Sorry I asked. (Laughter.)
Today America also honors the memory of one of the most inspiring
women of the 20th century, Rosa Parks. (Applause.) Fifty years ago, in
Montgomery, Alabama, this humble seamstress stood up to injustice by
refusing a bus driver's order that she give up her seat for a white man.
Her show of defiance was an act of personal courage that moved millions,
including a young preacher named Martin Luther King. Rosa Parks' example
helped touch off the civil rights movement and transformed America for
the better. She will always have a special place in American history,
and our nation thinks of Rosa Parks and her loved ones today.
I appreciate Lynne Pace, honorary chairman of the luncheon; and Cindy
G. (Laughter.) I tried it once -- (laughter) -- and I'm not trying it
again. (Laughter.) I want to thank Linda Odierno. It's good to see Joyce
Rumsfeld; Meryl Chertoff, who is the wife of Mike Chertoff -- (applause)
-- Dotty England; Mary Harvey. And I appreciate all the other spouses
that are here to give me a chance to come.
I've got an important talk to you -- I want to tell you some things.
We meet at a critical time for our military and our nation. At this
hour, Americans in uniform are deployed around the world to defend our
freedom and our security in the first war of the 21st century. They're
carrying out dangerous missions with skill and courage and compassion. I
hope you know this, but the entire nation is proud of the men and women
who wear our uniform. (Applause.) And so am I.
Every sailor, soldier, airman, Marine, and Coast Guardsman who wears
the uniform volunteered for duty. And they have something else in
common: They all rely on the love and support of their families -- their
moms, their dads, their husbands and their wives. You are the ones who
send the care packages, and send the e-mails. You're the ones who
provide the daily encouragement for our folks overseas.
I know this is a trying time for our military spouses. Many of you
have endured long separations from your husbands and wives. You miss
them and worry about them -- and all the while, keep things running at
home. By standing behind those who serve, you're serving, as well. The
American people are grateful to the strength and sacrifice of our
military spouses, and so am I. (Applause.)
Our service members and families are sacrificing for our country, and
you deserve full support in return. You deserve the best possible pay.
I've gladly signed legislation increasing basic military pay by 21
percent since 2001. (Applause.) You deserve extra compensation when your
loved ones put themselves in harmed [sic] way, so we've increased
imminent danger pay by 50 percent, and we have more than doubled family
separation pay. (Applause.)
You deserve comfortable and affordable places to live -- (applause)
-- so we've improved housing for families living on base, and we've
eliminated out-of-pocket housing expenses for most families living off
base. You deserve generous and flexible benefits, so we've made it
easier for military families to get health care. We've extended tax
filing deadlines; we've increased the payments for service members
wounded in action; and we've improved education benefits for the
National Guard and Reserve.
Every man and woman who volunteers to defend our nation in battle
also deserves something else -- an unwavering commitment to the mission,
and a clear strategy for victory. (Applause.) On the morning of
September the 11th, 2001, we saw the destruction that terrorists intend
for our nation. We know that they want to strike again. And our nation
has made a clear choice: We will confront this mortal danger to all
humanity. We will not rest or tire until the war on terror is won.
(Applause.)
In four years since September the 11th, the evil that reached our
shores has reappeared on other days, in other places -- in Mombasa and
Casablanca and Riyadh and Jakarta and Istanbul and Madrid and Beslan and
Taba, Netanya, Baghdad, and elsewhere. In the past few months, we've
seen a new terror offensive with attacks in London, Sharm el-Sheikh, and
a deadly bombing in Bali once again. All these separate images of
destruction and suffering that we see on the news can seem like random
and isolated acts of madness. Innocent men and women and children have
died simply because they were in the wrong train, or worked in the wrong
building, or checked into the wrong hotel. Yet, while the killers choose
their victims indiscriminately, their attacks serve a clear and focused
ideology -- a set of beliefs and goals that are evil, but not insane.
Some call this evil Islamic radicalism; others, militant Jihadism;
still others, Islamo-fascism. Whatever it is called, this ideology is
very different from the religion of Islam. This form of radicalism
exploits Islam to serve a violent, political vision: the establishment,
by terrorism, subversion and insurgency, of a totalitarian empire that
denies all political and religious freedom. These extremists distort the
idea of jihad into a call for terrorist murder against Christians and
Hindus and Jews -- and also against Muslims who do not share their
radical vision, whom they regard as heretics.
Many militants are part of a -- global, borderless terrorist
organizations like al Qaeda, which spreads propaganda and provides
financing and technical assistance to local extremists, and conducts
dramatic and brutal operations like the attacks of September the 11th.
Other militants are found in regional groups, often associated with al
Qaeda -- paramilitary insurgencies and separatist movements in places
like Somalia and the Philippines and Pakistan and Chechnya and Kashmir
and Algeria. Still others spring up in local cells, inspired by Islamic
radicalism, but not centrally directed. Islamic radicalism is more like
a loose network with many branches than an army under a single command.
Yet these operatives, fighting on scattered battlefields, share a
similar ideology and vision for our world. And we know the vision of the
radicals because they've stated it openly -- in videos and audiotapes
and letters and declarations and on websites.
First, these extremists want to end American and Western influence in
the broader Middle East, because we stand for democracy and peace, and
we stand in the way of their ambitions. Al Qaeda's leader, Osama bin
Laden, has called on Muslims to dedicate -- and I quote -- their
"resources, sons and money to driving the infidels out of our lands."
The tactics of al Qaeda and other Islamic extremists have been
consistent for a quarter-century: They hit us, and expect us to run.
Earlier this month, the world learned of a letter written by al
Qaeda's number two leader, a man named Zawahiri, a letter he wrote to
his chief deputy in Iraq, the terrorist Zarqawi. In it, Zawahiri points
to Vietnam as a model for al Qaeda. He writes: "The aftermath of the
collapse of American power in Vietnam, and how they ran and left their
agents, is noteworthy." The terrorists witnessed a similar response
after the attacks of American troops in Beirut in 1983, Mogadishu in
1993. They believe that America can be made to run again -- only this
time, on a larger scale, with greater consequences.
Secondly, the militant network wants to use the vacuum created by an
American retreat to gain control of a country, a base from which to
launch attacks and conduct their war against non-radical Muslim
governments. Over the past few decades, radicals have specifically
targeted Egypt and Saudi Arabia and Pakistan and Jordan for potential
takeover. They've achieved their goal, for a time, in Afghanistan. And
now they've set their sights on Iraq. In his recent letter, Zawahiri
writes that al Qaeda views Iraq as, "the place for the greatest battle."
The terrorists regard Iraq as the central front in their war against
humanity. And we must recognize Iraq as the central front in our war on
terror.
Third, the militants believe that controlling one country will rally
the Muslim masses, enabling them to overthrow all moderate governments
in the region, and establish a radical Islamic empire that spans from
Spain to Indonesia. Zawahiri writes that the terrorists, "must not have
their mission end with the expulsion of Americans from Iraq." He goes on
to say, "The jihad requires several incremental goals -- expel the
Americans from Iraq; establish the Islamic authority over as much
territory as you can to spread its power in Iraq; extend the jihad wave
to the secular countries neighboring Iraq."
With the greater economic and military and political power they seek,
the terrorists would be able to advance their stated agenda: to develop
weapons of mass destruction; to destroy Israel; to intimidate Europe; to
assault the American people; and to blackmail our government into
isolation.
Some might be tempted to dismiss these goals as fanatical or extreme.
Well, they are fanatical and extreme -- and they should not be
dismissed. Our enemy is utterly committed. As Zarqawi has vowed, "We
will either achieve victory over the human race, or we will pass to the
eternal life." And the civilized world knows very well that other
fanatics in history -- from Hitler to Stalin to Pol Pot -- consumed
whole nations in war and genocide before leaving the stage of history.
Evil men, obsessed with ambition and unburdened by conscience, must be
taken very seriously -- and we must stop them before their crimes can
multiply. (Applause.)
Defeating the militant network is difficult because it thrives, like
a parasite, on the suffering and frustrations of others. The radicals
exploit local conflicts to build a culture of victimization, in which
someone else is always to blame and violence is always the solution.
They exploit resentful and disillusioned young men and women, recruiting
them through radical mosques, as the pawns of terror. And they exploit
modern technology to multiply their destructive power. Instead of
attending faraway training camps, recruits can now access online
training libraries to learn how to build a roadside bomb, or fire a
rocket-propelled grenade -- and this further spreads the threat of
violence, even within peaceful democratic societies.
The influence of Islamic radicalism is also magnified by helpers and
enablers. They've been sheltered by authoritarian regimes -- allies of
convenience like Syria and Iran -- that share the goal of hurting
America and modern Muslim governments, and use terrorist propaganda to
blame their own failures on the West, on America, and on the Jews.
The radicals depend on front operations, such as corrupted charities,
which direct money to terrorist activity. They're strengthened by those
who aggressively fund the spread of radical, intolerant versions of
Islam in unstable parts of the world. The militants are aided, as well,
by elements of the Arab news media that incite hatred and anti-Semitism,
that feed conspiracy theories, and speak of a so-called American "war on
Islam" -- with seldom a word about American action to protect Muslims in
Afghanistan, in Bosnia, in Somalia, and Kosovo and Kuwait and Iraq; with
seldom a world about -- word about the generous assistance to Muslims
recovering from natural disasters in places like Indonesia and Pakistan.
Some have argued that extremism has been strengthened by the actions
of our coalition in Iraq, claiming that our presence in that country has
somehow caused or triggered the rage of radicals. I would remind them
that we were not in Iraq on September 11th, 2001, and al Qaeda attacked
us anyway. The hatred of the radicals existed before Iraq was an issue,
and it will exist after Iraq is no longer an excuse. (Applause.)
The government of Russia did not support Operation Iraqi Freedom, and
yet the militants killed more than 150 Russian schoolchildren in Beslan.
Over the years these extremists have used a litany of excuses for
violence -- the Israeli presence on the West Bank, or the U.S. military
presence in Saudi Arabia, or the defeat of the Taliban, or the Crusades
of a thousand years ago. In fact, we're not facing a set of grievances
that can be soothed and addressed. We're facing a radical ideology with
inalterable objectives: to enslave whole nations and intimidate the
world.
No acts of ours involves the rage of killers. And no concessions,
bribe, or act of appeasement would change or limit their plans of
murder. On the contrary; they target nations whose behavior they believe
they can change through violence. Against such an enemy, there is only
one effective response: We will never back down, never give in, and
never accept anything less than complete victory. (Applause.)
The murderous ideology of the Islamic radicals is the great challenge
of our new century. Yet, in many ways, this fight resembles the struggle
against communism in the last century. Like the ideology of communism,
Islamic radicalism is elitist, led by a self-appointed vanguard that
presumes to speak for the Muslim masses. Bin Laden says his own role is
to tell Muslims -- and I quote -- "what is good for them and what is
not." And what this man who grew up in wealth and privilege considers
good for poor Muslims is that they become killers and suicide bombers.
He assures them that this is the road to paradise -- though he never
offers to go along for the ride. (Laughter.)
Like the ideology of communism, our new enemy teaches that innocent
individuals can be sacrificed to serve a political vision. And this
explains their cold-blooded contempt for human life. We've seen it in
the murders of Daniel Pearl, Nicholas Berg, and Margaret Hassan, and
many, many others. In a courtroom in the Netherlands, the killer of Theo
Van Gogh turned to the victim's grieving mother and said, "I do not feel
your pain because I believe you're an infidel." And in spite of this
veneer of religious rhetoric, most of the victims claimed by the
militants are fellow Muslims.
When 25 Iraqi children are killed in a bombing, or Iraqi teachers are
executed at their school, or hospital workers are killed caring for the
wounded, this is murder, pure and simple -- the total rejection of
justice and honor and morality and religion. These militants are not
just enemies of America or enemies of Iraq, they are the enemies of
Islam and enemies of humanity. (Applause.)
We have seen this kind of shameless cruelty before -- in the
heartless zealotry that led to the gulags, the Cultural Revolution, and
the killing fields. Like the ideology of communism, our new enemy
pursues totalitarian aims. Its leaders pretend to be an aggrieved party,
representing the powerless against imperial enemies. In truth, they have
endless ambitions of imperial domination; they wish to make everyone
powerless, except themselves. Under their rule, they have banned books
and desecrated historical monuments and brutalized women. They seek to
end dissent in every form, to control every aspect of life, and to rule
the soul, itself. While promising a future of justice and holiness, the
terrorists are preparing a future of oppression and misery.
Like the ideology of communism, our new enemy is dismissive of free
peoples, claiming that men and women who live in liberty are weak and
decadent. Zarqawi has said that Americans are, "the most cowardly of
God's creatures." But let us be clear: It is cowardice that seeks to
kill children and the elderly with car bombs. It's cowardice that cuts
the throat of a bound captive. It is cowardice that targets worshipers
leaving a mosque. It is courage that liberated more than 50 million
people; it is courage that keeps an untiring vigil against the enemies
of a rising democracy. It is courage in the cause of freedom that will
once again destroy the enemies of freedom. (Applause.)
And Islamic radicalism, like the ideology of communism, contains
inherent contradictions that doom it to failure. By fearing freedom --
by distrusting human creativity and punishing change, and limiting the
contributions of half the population -- this ideology undermines the
very qualities that make human progress possible, and human societies
successful. The only thing modern about the militants' vision is the
weapons they want to use against us. The rest of their grim vision is
defined by a warped image of the past -- a declaration of war on the
idea of progress, itself. And whatever lies ahead in the war against
this ideology, the outcome is not in doubt: Those who despise freedom
and progress have condemned themselves to isolation, decline and
collapse. Because free peoples believe in the future, free peoples will
own the future. (Applause.)
We didn't ask for this global struggle, but we're answering history's
call with confidence -- and with a comprehensive strategy. Defeating a
broad and adaptive network requires patience and constant pressure and
strong partners in Europe, in the Middle East, in North Africa and Asia
and beyond. Working with these partners, we're disrupting militant
conspiracies, destroying their ability to make war, and working to give
millions in a troubled region of the world a hopeful alternative to
resentment and violence.
First, we're determined to prevent the attacks of terrorist networks
before they occur. We're reorganizing the government to give this nation
a broad and coordinated homeland defense. We're reforming our
intelligence agencies for the incredibly difficult task of tracking
enemy activity, based on information that often comes in small fragments
from widely scattered sources, here and abroad. And as we're acting,
along with governments from many countries, we're doing so to destroy
the terrorist networks and incapacitate their leaders.
Together with our coalition partners, we've disrupted a number of
serious al Qaeda terrorist plots since September the 11th, including
several al Qaeda plots to attack inside the United States. Our coalition
against terror has killed or captured nearly all of those directly
responsible for the September the 11th attacks; several of bin Laden's
most senior deputies; al Qaeda managers and operatives in more than 24
countries; the mastermind of the USS Cole bombing, who was chief of al
Qaeda operations in the Persian Gulf. We brought to justice the
mastermind of the bombings in Jakarta and Bali, a senior Zarqawi
terrorist planner, and many of al Qaeda's senior leaders in Saudi
Arabia.
Because of this steady progress, the enemy is wounded -- but the
enemy is still capable of global operations. Our commitment is clear: We
will not relent until the organized international terror networks are
exposed and broken, and their leaders are held to account for their
murder. (Applause.)
Second, we're determined to deny weapons of mass destruction to
outlaw regimes, and to the terrorist allies who would use them without
hesitation. The United States, working with Great Britain, Pakistan, and
other nations, has exposed and disrupted a major black-market operation
in nuclear technology led by A.Q. Khan. Libya has abandoned its chemical
and nuclear weapons programs, as well as its long-range ballistic
missiles. In the last year, America and our partners in the
Proliferation Security Initiative have stopped more than a dozen
shipments of suspected weapons technology, including equipment for
Iran's ballistic missile program. This progress has reduced the danger
to free nations, but it has not removed it. Evil men who want to use
horrendous weapons against us are working in deadly earnest to gain
them. And we're working urgently to keep weapons of mass murder out of
the hands of those fanatics.
Third, we're determined to deny radical groups the support and
sanctuary of outlaw regimes. State sponsors like Syria and Iran have a
long history of collaboration with terrorists, and they deserve no
patience from the victims of terror. The United States makes no
distinction between those who commit acts of terror and those who
support and harbor them -- because they are equally guilty of murder.
(Applause.) Any government that chooses to be an ally of terror has
chosen to be an enemy of civilization, and the civilized world must hold
those regimes to account.
This week, the United Nations Security Council will hear a new report
from an independent commission that points to Syrian involvement in the
terrorist bombing that killed former Lebanese Prime Minister Hariri, and
22 others last February. Syria is destabilizing Lebanon, permitting
terrorists to use its territory to reach Iraq, and giving safe harbor to
Palestinian terrorist groups. The United Nations has passed strong
resolutions against terror. Now the United Nations must act -- and Syria
and its leaders must be held accountable for their continuing support
for terrorism, including any involvement in the murder of Prime Minister
Hariri. (Applause.)
Fourth, we're determined to deny the militants control of any nation,
which they would use as a home base and launching pad for terror. This
mission has brought new and urgent responsibilities to our Armed Forces
-- and because of that, it's brought urgent responsibilities to you all.
American troops are fighting beside Afghan partners against remnants of
the Taliban and their al Qaeda allies. We're working with President
Musharraf to oppose and isolate the militants in Pakistan. We're
fighting the regime remnants and terrorists in Iraq. The terrorists'
goal is to overthrow a rising democracy, claim a strategic country as a
haven for terror, destabilize the Middle East, and strike America and
other free nations with ever-increasing violence. Our goal is to defeat
the terrorists and their allies at the heart of their power -- and so we
will defeat the enemy in Iraq. (Applause.)
Our coalition, along with our Iraqi allies, is moving forward with a
comprehensive plan. As Secretary Rice explained last week, our strategy
is to clear, hold, and build. We're working to clear areas from
terrorist control, to hold those areas securely, and to build lasting,
democratic Iraqi institutions. In recent weeks, American and Iraqi
troops have conducted several major assaults to clear out enemy fighters
in Western Iraq, and to help shut down terrorist entry routes from
Syria. During one raid, our forces killed a top Zarqawi henchman named
Abu Abdullah, who was responsible for attacks on American troops and on
innocent Iraqis. Thousands of Iraqi forces have been participating in
these operations, and many have remained in cities along with coalition
forces to hold onto our gains and prevent the enemy from returning.
Iraqi forces are using their local expertise to maintain security, and
to make tangible improvements in the lives of their fellow Iraqis.
At the same time, Iraqis are making inspiring progress toward
building a democracy. Ten days ago, millions of Iraqis turned out to
vote on a constitution that guarantees fundamental freedoms and lays the
foundation for lasting democracy. And today the Iraqi elections
commission certified the passage of the constitution. Many more Sunnis
participated in this vote than in January's historic elections, and the
level of violence was dramatically lower. With their courageous vote,
the Iraqi people have once again proved their determination to build a
democracy united against extremism and violence.
An 85-year-old Iraqi woman cast a ballot in favor of the constitution
after her son carried her on his back to the polls. Here's what she
said. She said, "I went out to vote for it because I want the future to
be safe and peaceful for my sons and my grandchildren." (Applause.)
We got more work to do, and it involves great risk for Iraqis and for
American and coalition forces. A time of war is a time for sacrifice,
and the greatest burden falls on military families. We've lost some of
our nation's finest men and women in the war on terror. Each of these
men and women left grieving families and left loved ones back home. Each
of these patriots left a legacy that will allow generations of their
fellow Americans to enjoy the blessings of liberty. Each loss of life is
heartbreaking. And the best way to honor the sacrifice of our fallen
troops is to complete the mission and lay the foundation of peace by
spreading freedom. (Applause.)
The sacrifices made by you and your loved ones in uniform are always
on our minds and in our prayers. All of you also understand that
sacrifice is essential to winning war -- and this war will require more
sacrifice, more time, and more resolve. The terrorists are as brutal an
enemy as we have ever faced, unconstrained by any notion of common
humanity and by the rules of warfare. No one should underestimate the
difficulties ahead; nor should they overlook the advantages we bring to
this fight.
Some observers look at the job ahead and adopt a self-defeating
pessimism. It's not justified. With every random bombing and every
funeral of a child, it becomes more clear that the extremists are not
patriots or resistance fighters -- they are murderers at war with the
Iraqi people, themselves. In contrast, the elected leaders of Iraq are
proving to be strong and steadfast. By any standard or precedent of
history, Iraq has made incredible political progress -- from tyranny to
liberation, to national elections, to the ratification of a constitution
-- in the space of two and a half years. (Applause.)
With our help, the Iraqi military is gaining new capabilities and new
confidence with every passing month. At the time of our Fallujah
operations nearly a year ago, there were only a few Iraqi army
battalions in combat. Today there are nearly 90 Iraqi army battalions
fighting the terrorists alongside our forces. General David Petraeus
said, "Iraqis are in the fight. They're fighting and dying for their
country, and they're fighting increasingly well." The progress isn't
easy, but it is steady. And no fair-minded person should ignore, deny,
or dismiss the achievements of the Iraqi people.
Some observers question the durability of democracy in Iraq. They
underestimate the power and appeal of freedom. We've heard it suggested
Iraq's democracy must be on shaky ground because Iraqis are arguing with
each other. (Laughter.) That's the essence of democracy. (Laughter.) You
make your case; you debate those who disagree with you; you build
consensus by persuasion; and you answer to the will of the people.
We've heard it said that the Shia and Sunnis and Kurds of Iraq are
too divided to form a lasting democracy. In fact, democratic federalism
is the best hope for unifying a diverse population, because a federal
constitutional system respects the rights and religious traditions of
all citizens, while giving all minorities, including the Sunnis, a stake
and a voice in the future of their country.
It's true that the seeds of freedom have only recently been planted
in Iraq, but democracy, when it grows, is not a fragile flower, it's a
healthy, sturdy tree. As Americans, we believe that people everywhere
prefer freedom to slavery, and that liberty, once chosen, improves the
lives of all. And so we're confident; as our coalition and the Iraqi
people each do their part, Iraqi democracy will succeed. (Applause.)
Some observers also claim that America would be better off by cutting
our losses and leaving Iraq now. This is a dangerous illusion, refuted
by a simple question: Would the United States and other free nations be
more safe, or less safe, with Zarqawi and bin Laden in control of Iraq,
its people, and its resources? Having removed a dictator who hated free
peoples, we will not stand by as a new set of killers, dedicated to the
destruction of our country, seizes control of Iraq by violence.
There's always a temptation, in the middle of a long struggle, to
seek the quiet life, to escape the duties and problems of the world, to
hope the enemy grows weary of fanaticism and tired of murder. That would
be a pleasant world -- but it isn't the world in which we live. The
enemy is never tired, never sated, never content with yesterday's
brutality. This enemy considers every retreat of the civilized world as
an invitation to greater violence. In Iraq, there is no peace without
victory -- and we will keep our nerve and we will win that victory.
(Applause.)
The fifth element of our strategy in the war on terror is to deny the
militants of future recruits by replacing hatred and resentment with
democracy and hope across the broader Middle East. This is difficult,
and it's a long-term project; yet there's no alternative to it. Our
future and the future of that region are linked. If the broader Middle
East is left to grow in bitterness, if countries remain in misery, while
radicals stir the resentments of millions, then that part of the world
will be a source of endless conflict and mounting danger -- in our own
generation and in the next. If the peoples of that region are permitted
to choose their own destiny, and advance by their own energy and
participation as free men and women, then the extremists will be
marginalized, and the flow of violent radicalism to the rest of the
world will slow, and eventually end. By standing for the hope and
freedom of others, we make our own freedom more secure.
America is making this stand in practical ways. We are encouraging
our friends in the Middle East, including Egypt and Saudi Arabia, to
take the path of reform, to strengthen their own societies in the fight
against terror by respecting the rights and choices of their own people.
We're standing with dissidents and exiles against oppressive regimes,
because we know that the dissidents of today will be the democratic
leaders of tomorrow. We're making our case through public diplomacy,
stating clearly and confidently our belief in self-determination, and
the rule of law, and religious freedom, and equal rights for women --
beliefs that are right and true in every land, and in every culture.
(Applause.)
And as we do our part to confront radicalism, we know that the most
vital work will be done within the Islamic world, itself. And this work
has begun. Many Muslim scholars have publicly condemned terrorism, often
citing Chapter 5, Verse 32 of the Koran, which states that killing an
innocent human being is the killing of all humanity -- is like killing
all humanity, and saving the life of one person is like saving all of
humanity.
After the attacks in London on July the 7th, an imam in the UAE
declared, "Whoever does such a thing is not a Muslim, nor a religious
person." The time has come for all responsible Islamic leaders to join
in denouncing an ideology that exploits Islam for political ends, and
defiles a noble faith.
Many people of the Muslim faith are proving their commitment at great
personal risk. Everywhere we have engaged the fight against extremism,
Muslim allies have stood up and joined the fight, becoming partners in a
vital cause. Afghan troops are in combat against Taliban remnants. Iraqi
soldiers are sacrificing to defeat the al Qaeda in their own country.
These brave citizens know the stakes: the survival of their own liberty,
the future of their own region, the justice and humanity of their own
tradition -- and we are proud to stand beside them. (Applause.)
With the rise of a deadly enemy and the unfolding of a global
ideological struggle, our time in history will be remembered for new
challenges and unprecedented dangers. And yet the fight we've joined is
also the current expression of an ancient struggle -- between those who
put their faith in dictators, and those who put their faith in the
people. Throughout history, tyrants and would-be tyrants have always
claimed that murder is justified to serve their grand vision -- and they
end up alienating decent people across the globe. Tyrants and would-be
tyrants have always claimed that regimented societies are strong and
pure -- until those societies collapse in corruption and decay. Tyrants
and would-be tyrants have always claimed that free men and women are
weak and decadent -- until the day that free men and women defeat them.
We don't know the course of -- our own struggle will take, or the
sacrifices that might lie ahead. We do know, however, that the defense
of freedom is worth our sacrifice. We do know that the love of freedom
is the mightiest force of history. We do know the strength and character
that our troops and military families bring to the fight. And we do know
that the cause of freedom will once again prevail. (Applause.)
These are historic times. It's a vital time for our nation and the
world. And I want to thank you for your courage and thank you for your
sacrifice. May God bless your loved ones. May God bless you, and may God
continue to bless our country. (Applause.)